Riles' progressive challenge to Jerry Brown raised the people's issues

This commentary from the IPPN is a salutary antidote to the contemptible
ass-kissing conferred upon Jerry Brown by the odious Marc Cooper in the
pages of The Nation an issue or two back.  Comments from Bay Area comrades?

John Lacny

---------- Forwarded Message ----------
Date: Tue, 12 Mar 2002 21:51:23 -0800 (PST)
From: portsideMod <portsidemod@xxxxxxxxx>
Subject: Riles' Progressive Challenge To Jerry Brown Raised The People's
Issues

Riles' Progressive Challenge To Jerry Brown Raised The People's Issues

by Jonathan Nack   

March 10, 2002 Special for Independent Politics News

OAKLAND - Oakland's left did not unseat Jerry Brown (I) in the Mayoral
election on March 5, 2002, but did manage to frame the issues which were
debated. A new progressive coalition came together behind Wilson Riles, Jr.
(D) to wage a surprisingly strong campaign which forced Brown to fend off
charges that his policies are spurring gentrification and against the
interests of most working people.

Brown won the election handily, with 63 percent to Riles' 37 percent, of a
very low voter turnout of 34 percent. However, the impact of Riles'
left-wing grassroots campaign could not be ignored and Brown commented
afterwards, "we'll have to take another look at some of their proposals."

The proposals Riles championed included: requiring that 25 percent of new
housing construction be affordable, a Just Cause Eviction ordinance to
protect tenants, comprehensive living wage ordinances and support for union
organizing, city funding in support of all public schools, real community
policing and police accountability, support for community organizing, and
economic development that would benefit everyone. The Riles campaign was
born out of disappointment in Brown felt by progressives. Shortly after
taking office in 1998, Brown antagonized Oakland's anti-war movement by
inviting the U.S. Marines in to conduct urban warfare training exercises.
All of Brown's center-piece projects subsequently came under criticism from
the left. His focus on charter schools as the solution to the crisis in
public education, and particularly his founding of a charter military high
school, was criticized for ignoring the vast majority of students. His plan
to house 10,000 more residents downtown was denounced for accelerating
gentrification and for its gutting of environmental protection requirements.

Brown moved from railing against the corruption of government by corporate
money, and the bankruptcy of the two-party system, to relying on corporate
PAC soft money to fund his election initiatives and candidates and currying
favor with leading Democrats.

When Brown's charter military academy was voted down by both the Oakland and
County School Boards, Brown got Governor Davis to the move the State Board
to charter it. He also relied on Davis' support to get the state legislature
to waive environmental impact report requirements on development downtown,
and for an exemption to the Brown Act, which he signed back when he was
Governor, which would have required that he recuse himself from taking
public positions on much of his proposed development, because it is likely
to increase the value of his private property.

Brown changed Oakland's form of government, removing himself from the weekly
City Council meetings, and became inaccessible to most local residents. This
led many to resent Brown for having no time for them, but plenty to pursue
his self-avowed twin interests of "hustling corporations" and "bringing
wealthier people into Oakland."

During his first three years in office Brown rode a waive of commercial and
residential construction, job creation, and upgraded stores and restaurants.
Property values increased while crime ebbed. Brown was embraced by the
establishment as a quirky liberal who had learned how to do business. A poll
taken in 2000 showing Brown with an approval rating of over 70 percent was
frequently cited by the mainstream media as proof of Brown's great
popularity.

In Brown's fourth year in office the dot com boom went bust. A number of
development projects stalled and workers were laid as the recession
deepened. Rents remained high while crime climbed. Even so, when the Riles
campaign kicked-off, the conventional wisdom remained that Brown was
unbeatable. Riles would struggle against this notion, held even by many
progressives, and re-enforced by the media, through the entire campaign.

Riles did command respect. He's an heir to the local legacy of progressive
African American leadership, served 13 years on the Oakland City Council
(1979-91), before serving the last ten years as a Regional Director of the
American Friends Services Committee. Riles also personified progressive
disappointment in Brown. He had endorsed Brown in 1998, but later led the
fight against Brown's military high school. Riles' left-wing credentials are
impeccable. He even supports more radical causes - his opposition to the war
in Afghanistan, endorsement of Ralph Nader for President, and support of
Mumia Abu-Jamal, are but recent examples. Riles is also a longtime supporter
of the IPPN. The filing deadline passed and Riles remained the only
challenger. This provided a great opportunity for Riles to communicate his
progressive agenda, as his would be the only voice of opposition.

Riles attracted a wide variety of activists into his campaign. Veteran
community, labor, tenant, environmental, peace and social justice activists
were joined by younger militants, in a true rainbow coalition. Two
organizations played central roles: Oakland ACORN and the Green Party. A
number of key organizers were also drawn from PUEBLO (People United for a
Better Oakland), which did not endorse due to its non-profit status. The
Oakland Education Association, the teachers' union, came on later.

Endorsements of Riles rolled in from the Sierra Club, a number of Democratic
Party Clubs including those representing African American, Latino, and
lesbian and gay constituencies, as well as from women's organizations and
two weekly newspapers.

One endorsement critical to completing Riles' progressive coalition eluded
him. The Alameda County AFL-CIO endorsed Brown. Riles had considerable labor
support, and had sought a "dual endorsement", but the building trades
unions, which had benefited from the construction Boom, and powerful SEIU
790, which represents city employees and feared retribution by Brown in
upcoming contract negotiations, maneuvered a Brown endorsement.

Brown raised more than twice as much money as Riles. With the entire
establishment behind him, he confidently decided to dispense with running
any grassroots campaign.

Meanwhile, Riles and his volunteers were busy working the neighborhoods,
dropping literature at doors and talking with people. In eight mayoral
debates, Riles laid out the progressive critique and alternative agenda. The
message was getting through. It even played in the mainstream media's scant
coverage.

As the Riles campaign geared up for its final push, spirits were high and
expectations soared. Brown's laid back approach meant he had no volunteers
out, or signs up, in the neighborhoods. The only visible momentum belonged
to Riles.

The election result would show that Oakland's left/progressive forces were
not nearly as close as they had thought or hoped. That doesn't diminish
their achievements. They came together in a new coalition behind a left-wing
African American leader, formulated a comprehensive and cutting-edge
progressive platform, and succeeded in getting their message out to the
public.

In a post-election interview, Riles expressed pride in the campaign. "We had
a very effective and efficient campaign. With few resources we were able to
get our message out and people responded to it. They might not have gone to
the polls and voted to the extent we expected, but there is no question that
the issues we raised are going to continue and people will continue
organizing around them," said Riles.

Riles will work to keep the coalition together. "As a result of the election
we've expanded the number of people we're in touch with and we're going to
reach out to them immediately and continue to move issues forward in very
formal and concrete ways," he explained.

One feature of the campaign was the role of the Green Party, working in
coalition in support of a left-wing Democrat. The Green Party endorsed Riles
early and made the campaign its top priority in the county. "There were a
very substantial number of Green Party members who were actively involved,
both as volunteers and in positions of leadership in the campaign staff,"
said Rebecca Kaplan, a Green who served as Media Coordinator. "There was an
incredible healing that took place in Oakland among Greens and progressive
Democrats, independents, and Peace and Freedom Party people, all working
together for one candidate - really learning the things we do have in common
and the ways we can work together on common agendas," concluded Kaplan. The
Peace and Freedom Party did not take a position on the election, though a
number of party registrants were volunteers. -END-

Independent Politics News is the national newspaper of the Independent
Progressive Politics Network www.ippn.org




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