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Subject: [L-I] MYSTICAL IMPERIALISM [was Leo Casey's "Democratic Left" position on Cuba] - msg#00068
List: politics.leninism.international
Eric Kirk writes:
Hunter - if 74 dissidents are being falsely convicted of crimes, it warrants
> a statement whether one supports the revolution or not.
>
> It does not follow that criticism of the Cuban government amounts to
support
> for aggression against it. And the Cuban government has much to explain.
>
================================
>
Sorry, Eric.
The statement that Leo Casey and the bevy of ex-radicals at his Democratic
Left coven -- many of whom sit in the lemon trees of ASDnet -- are putting
together strikes me as something that speaks volumes about what's wrong with
most of DSA and, to use a very old term, the Yellow -- Pale
Yellow --respectablity-seeking "socialists." In his critique yesterday,
David McReynolds laid it out pretty well. Nothing stirs the blood of the DL
group et al. quite like an opportunity to sanctimoniously trash the Left.
Enough has now surfaced from a number of sources to indicate plenty of
traditional and current on-going US governmental subversion within Cuba --
tied to "dissidents". That sorry, destructive conniving has been on-going
for decades. But this is now at a point where the USA is "governed" by a
surrealistic entourage that, by comparison, makes the sanguinary "crackpot
realists" delineated and exposed more than 40 years ago by C. Wright Mills
[in his Causes of World War III] look like friendly pragmatists from a local
Rotary Club.
I wrote a bit about that the other day when I talked of "45 years of utterly
vicious opposition from the
leadership of this country [now a clique of very strange persons indeed who
make
Bill Buckley and Barry G. look almost Rational and Nice] -- an entourage
itself increasingly engulfed in a kind of fundamentalist fanaticism which
blends capitalistic hunger with mystical imperialism."
The last sentence in the Casey statement is "By its actions, the Cuban state
declares that it is not a government of the left, despite its claims of
social progress in education and health care, but just one more
dictatorship, concerned with maintaining its monopoly of power above all
else."
With a kind of brutal clarity, that sentence does say it all about the
motives of its drafters -- and presumably its signers. The Casey statement
won't impact anything very much. It may win favor with the tepid liberals
of, say, Dissent Magazine and whatever remains of the traditions of
Americans for Democratic Action and Social Democrats USA , But, ultimately,
it'll hang around the necks of its drafters and signers like a dead salmon.
Yours, Hunter [Hunterbear]
Hunter Gray [Hunterbear]
www.hunterbear.org
Protected by Na´shdo´i´ba´i´
and Ohkwari'
In our Gray Hole, the ghosts often dance in the junipers and sage, on the
game trails, in the tributary canyons with the thick red maples, and on the
high windy ridges -- and they dance from within the very essence of our own
inner being. They do this especially when the bright night moon shines down
on the clean white snow that covers the valley and its surroundings. Then
it is as bright as day -- but in an always soft and mysterious and
remembering way. [Hunterbear]
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[L-I] Gadar Heritage Foundation condemns the recent gruesome massacre of Hindus in Kas
Gadar Heritage Foundation condemns the recent gruesome massacre of Hindus in
Kashmir Valley
On March 24, 2003 minority Hindus in the village of Nadimarg in
Kulgam-Shopian belt in southern part of Kashmir Valley, 70 km away from
Srinagar, were pulled out of their homes, herded under a Chinar tree and
mowed down by bullets sprayed by Islamic terrorists. The 10 to 15 terrorists
who posed as Security Forces, disarmed the 9-member Police Guard and killed
all but two Hindus, the latter escaping with injuries. Among the 24 persons
killed were two children aged 4 and 5 years, 11 women and eight elderly
people.
Gadar Heritage Foundation strongly condemns these brutalities against
innocent civilians.
As of today, more than 300,000 Kashmiri Hindus have been forced to flee
their homes in the Valley after many of them became victims of terrorist
attacks in the early 1990s. The terrorist movement in Jammu & Kashmir state
of India draws its inspiration, material and moral support from the state of
Pakistan, its various agencies such as Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and
the numerous jehadi outfits spawned during the decade long U.S. sponsored,
Saudi Arabia financed and Pakistan managed war against a progressive
Afghanistan.
The turmoil in Jammu & Kashmir has incorrectly been characterized by many
well-meaning but ill-informed people as a national liberation movement. Such
a characterization makes a mockery of the national liberation struggles
waged throughout the world during
the colonial era. Jammu & Kashmir is a geographically diverse multi-ethnic
and a multi-religious state. None of the local militant / terrorist
organizations, based primarily in the Kashmir Valley, has put forward any
political-economic program for the state, let alone a democratic, secular
political program with social and economic justice. This contrasts with the
"New Kashmir" program of the National Conference of the 1940s in which
peasantry was to be liberated from oppressive landlordism and usurious debt,
in which workers were to be protected, women to be extended full rights, and
special efforts were to be made to liberate marginal communities such as the
pastoral/nomadic people from their poverty and backwardness. This "New
Kashmir" program had the enthusiastic support of Indian leaders like Nehru
and was opposed by leaders of Muslim League of Pakistan. Under the the
leadership of the National Conference and the support of the Central
Government in New Delhi, people of Kashmir made significant advances on all
fronts. Today, however, the militant/terrorist organizations in Jammu &
Kashmir receive their inspiration, not from the visionaries of 1940s
liberation movement but from the most reactionary elements of the Pakistani
state and society including many jehadi groups within Pakistan and
Afghanistan. Their activities in the state are no different than the
activities of various fundamentalist groups of Afghanistan who pushed that
country into medieval barbarism.
Jammu & Kashmir state has had the misfortune of being a victim of
imperialist intrigue ever since the decolonisation of India in 1947. The
region is strategically situated in Asia since it borders India, Pakistan,
Afghanistan, China and is separated from Tajikistan by a narrow strip of
Afghan territory. The British retained control, by proxy, over the northern
area of this region by staging a 'revolt' in the Gilgit/Baltistan region in
1947, having it 'secede' from the state of Jammu & Kashmir and be absorbed
in Pakistan. British goals were to continue their Central Asian Great Game,
their hostile policy against the then Soviet Union, in which they had a
wholehearted willing ally in Pakistan. With the formation of People's
Republic of China in 1949, Jammu & Kashmir received increased attention from
the U.S. led imperialist powers since the region was ideally situated to
serve as a springboard for aggressive implementation of imperialism's policy
of encirclement of Soviet Union and China. Towards this end, imperialism
encouraged the secession of the state from the anti-imperialist Indian
Union.
By 1980, the U.S. had launched a full scale proxy war in Afghanistan to
destroy the progressive government there and trap Soviet Union into the
Afghani tribal/fundamentalist quagmire. What Jammu & Kashmir is witnessing
today is the spillover from that fratricidal Afghan war conducted by
Pakistan at America's behest to destroy Soviet Union, the only force in the
world which not only kept the predatory imperialism of the West at bay but
supported the many struggles of people in various parts of the world against
imperialist domination.
The post 9/11 situation sees the U.S. well entrenched in Afghanistan and the
neighboring Central Asian states. The U.S. may no longer be keen to push for
an independent state of Jammu & Kashmir. Even if that were so, with the
growth and spread of jehadi culture in Afghanistan and Pakistan, an
'independent' Kashmir will still spell doom for its people, especially its
women and non-Muslim minorities. The immense progress on social and economic
fronts that the people of Jammu & Kashmir have made by being part of the
Indian Union in the last 56 years will be reversed as jehadi culture takes
over. Afghanistan is a reminder of the fate that awaits an 'independent'
Kashmir or a Kashmir that becomes part of reactionary Pakistan. It is in the
interests of the Kashmiri people to stay within the democratic and secular
India and struggle with all Indians for a better India. It is also the duty
of all progressives to educate those Kashmiris, who see their salvation in
secession, on the dangers of religious fundamentalism that has gradually
crept into their lives and into their thinking over the years.
Gadar Heritage Foundation supports the struggles of all Indians, Kashmiris
included, for a socially just, secular, egalitarian and united India. In
these struggles all the working people of India must unite, cutting across
all artificial barriers of ethnicity, language, religion and caste, barriers
used by the ruling classes and imperialist predators to divide the people
and weaken their struggles. In these struggles all forms of religious
fundamentalism become debilitating obstacles and must be vigorously opposed.
Maharaj Kaul
Gadar Heritage Foundation
gadar.homestead.com
gadarheritage@xxxxxxxxxxx
P O Box 23532
Pleasant Hill
CA 94523
USA
_________________________________________________________________
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[L-I] North Carolina and Jesse Helms [Personal Reminiscence]
Note by Hunterbear:
One of the few glimpses of the Sun in the otherwise darkened sky of late has
been the departure of Jesse Helms from the United States Senate. Sworn
enemy of All That's Good, staggering through History with his Shovel, he
buried Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness in many settings over many
decades. Here's a repost of a piece I initially did when he announced his
forthcoming retirement. And now that he really did leave, I'm running it
one more time.
And, believe me, before too much longer, the Sun -- Our Sun -- will shine
again. Best - Hunterbear
Personal Reminiscence:
North Carolina and Jesse Helms [Hunter Gray]
PUBLISHED IN THE SOCIALIST [SPUSA] RALEIGH, N.C. JAN/FEB 2003
The departure of Jesse Helms [hopefully forever] from the national political
scene is a vastly pleasant and encouraging development -- much, much more
than, say, even the fading of an especially cruel winter in the Northern
Plains or rain in Death Valley.
I met him directly only once -- a long, long time ago. More on that in a
few moments.
Helms comes from Monroe -- Union County -- North Carolina. Even into
historically recent times, the racism of this place was among the worst in
the South [today, it's becoming a suburb of Charlotte -- but I suspect even
a thin scratch would produce the heavy and oppressive odor of contemporary,
essentially unyielding racism.] This was the setting where, in the late
'50s and just into the '60s, Black leader Rob Williams, a World War II vet
and then president of the local NAACP, and with other very courageous
souls, conducted a series of hard-fought desegregation campaigns at Monroe.
The Black community in that hate-filled town was violently attacked at
different points by increasingly heavy Klan forces -- and Williams, with an
NRA charter, organized an armed self-defense group. Condemned increasingly
by the North Carolina state government, he also wound up on the "hate-list"
of the FBI because of his strong support of the Cuban Revolution. In 1961,
a massive, armed Klan attack was directed against the Black community of
Monroe which climaxed at night. Rob Williams called the office of North
Carolina governor, Terry Sanford, to demand state protection -- but was told
pleasantly by Sanford's assistant, "I would have thought you'd be swinging
from that big tree in the Monroe courthouse yard by this time, Rob."
In the chaos of that final terrible late afternoon and night, Williams and
his people took into protective custody a white couple that, either with
malice or accidentally, had gone "behind the lines" in the Black community.
Although the white couple was released quite unharmed a few hours later,
Williams and others were charged with kidnapping -- and, though he was able
to make his getaway to Cuba, others were caught. They came to trial in
February, 1964 at Monroe.
In those rich and turbulent days, I was Field Organizer for the radical
Southern Conference Educational Fund [SCEF], and based at Raleigh, NC,
working across the Deep South in grassroots civil rights organizing and
anti-Klan work. I was also a very publicly listed and active supporter of
the Committee to Aid the Monroe Defendants [CAMD] -- headed by the excellent
Berta Green [a Trotskyist] and George Weissman and others. The principal
lawyer for my group, SCEF, was Bill Kunstler who was also one of the
attorneys for the Monroe victims. I got into Monroe for the trial in the
early evening before, noting the huge lighted [Christian?] cross on the hill
above, and stopped for gas at what we rather callously used to refer to in
those days as a "cracker nest."
A young white man handled the gas and, when that was completed, I asked him
directions to a particular address -- which was that of the home of the
embattled Dr Albert Perry, a civil rights stalwart where Berta and the
others were staying. He looked at me with great distaste. "Why that's Coon
Town," and he spit it out. "Just tell me where it is, " I said. He
gestured vaguely and backed away.
At Dr Perry's home, the CAMD leaders were gathered -- enmeshed in an
extremely difficult crisis. The "other" defense committee, the Monroe
Defense Committee [MDC] [ Workers World], was also of course, at that
moment, in Monroe. Relationships between the two groups and their followers
were extremely hostile. There had been altercations. The prospect of going
into a major legal defense trial in such a divisive context -- a trial that
was drawing considerable national and international attention -- was clearly
very bad business for everyone on our general side. Since I was very much
of the ecumenical Left, I immediately offered to go to the local
headquarters of the Monroe Defense Committee to see if a pragmatic armistice
could be arranged. I did and, ushered in by heavily armed guards, met the
very charming Mrs Clarence Senior, who with her husband, spearheaded the
MDC. I had no sooner introduced myself when she warmed very visibly, with
a huge smile. "Professor Salter of Tougaloo College," she said, "I know all
about you!" Very soon, and congenially, we had agreement on treaty
basics -- and, with only a few more back and forth middle-of-the-night
trips [Berta et al. and CAMD were as agreeable as Mrs Senior and MDC], we
had full agreement on joint cooperation in all key areas -- including media
presentations and statements.
The trial, as massive a perversion of justice as I've ever seen anywhere,
took place in this absolutely hate-filled town of Monroe [the Helms'
home-town], saturated with obvious [if ungarbed] Ku Kluxers, a raft of
Federal and state finks, and newspersons from the four corners of the globe.
A blatantly stacked-deck -- a completely unabashed one from the outset --
the "trial" ran its obviously racist course -- presided over by an openly "
hanging judge" type flanked by a gaggle of heavily armed deputies. The
Monroe victim defendants were, of course, convicted -- and appealed -- and
eventually were finally freed.
One of the most conspicuous regional media outfits in Monroe for this
nefarious affair was the racist television station from Raleigh in which
Jesse Helms was the major fixture -- WRAL-TV. It also always played a
conspicuously prolonged rendition of "Dixie" each night before its merciful
shut-down.
About a year later, I was -- as I had been for some many, many months --
directing a major, intensive and increasingly successful civil rights, voter
registration, and anti-Klan campaign in the extremely racist,
rigidly-segregated, poverty-stricken, Klan-infested multi-county
Northeastern North Carolina Blackbelt. This region, although predominately
Black , also had a substantial and equally victimized Native American
population which was deeply involved in our Movement. Our campaign was, in
the face of virulently racist opposition -- e.g., antagonistic and
viciously resistant voter registrars, widespread economic reprisals, open
violence from police and Klan-types [and with hostile state agents from the
NC State Bureau of Investigation and equally hostile FBI finks hovering in
the shadows] organizing the grassroots, county by county, and generating
extremely capable local leadership. Excellent lawyers [Bill Kunstler, Morty
Stavis, Phil Hirschkop]
were major and critical assets.
As all of this burgeoned along, WRAL-TV and Jesse Helms at Raleigh were
among our shrillest and most hostile media critics. And then, at one point,
in that Spring of '65, Jesse Helms, in a news cast, levied an especially
venomous Red-baiting blast against me and our Blackbelt project: 2 minutes
and 18 seconds of it. But, in his fervor, he'd overstepped -- and the
upshot was that I got "equal time." Seeing no point in responding to his
Red charges, I put together, instead, a necessarily trenchant statement
which discussed the hideous nature of the North Carolina Blackbelt setting
and its power structure, also attacked the United Klans of America, and
called for a strong Federal voting rights act [then in the Congressional
hopper.] My statement, which I refined and honed and read to my patient,
watch-holding wife at least 15 times, fell neatly into the 2 minutes, 18
seconds context.
When the day came, I went to WRAL, on the outskirts of Raleigh. Entering
the station, I noted the delegation of several somber-faced white men
approaching me -- led by a black-suited entity which I realized was Jesse
Helms. We faced each other, staring, for a very long moment indeed. He saw
whatever he saw in me -- and I saw a pudgy, rather heavy-faced man, wearing
glasses behind which his quite conspicuous eyes blinked rapidly. He was
sweating. Then he stuck out his hand, with the coldest formality I've ever
encountered, and I took it -- and we, very perfunctorily, shook hands. "Are
you ready?" he asked me. "I am," said I. "Quite ready indeed." As though
we were en route to the ultimate manifestation of The Code Duello under the
Southern pines, we walked, he and I together, and followed by his
colleagues, up a stairway, to a broadcasting room.
There, with Jesse Helms sweating even more profusely, I took out my written
statement. Still staring, he told me, "You have two minutes and eighteen
seconds, son." Ignoring that, I nodded. The lights were fixed hard and
heatedly upon me and I could sense Jesse Helms' cold and distasteful stare
from behind. I read my statement, briskly and clearly, and I got it all
in: the awful nature of the Blackbelt and its power structure, the
intimidation and violence, the Klan -- and the need for a very strong
Federal voting rights act.
When it was over, after 2 minutes and 18 seconds, we walked back
downstairs -- followed by his colleagues. Obviously angry and with his face
still sweating profusely and his eyes big and cold, Jesse Helms looked at me
and I at him. Without saying a word, he stuck out his hand again and I took
it and we shook -- this time, very very perfunctorily. He and his group
turned and stalked away. The next day, back up in the Blackbelt, I was
asked by my very good friends and civil rights colleagues, Reed and Willa
[Cofield] Johnson of Enfield -- another hate-filled little bastion -- just
what it was like to shake hands with Jesse Helms.
I thought for a long moment. "It was like shaking hands with a toad's
belly," said I. And I still hold, to this very day, to that very accurate
descriptive analysis of that absolutely weird and surrealistic experience.
Our Northeastern Blackbelt project rolled on to many, many successes. In
time, I went on to many other organizing campaigns. And Jesse Helms went to
the U.S. Senate where his Never Never Potions and Malevolent Witch-Craft
have poured rank poison into our national culture and the long-suffering
world scene for a very, very long and tragic time.
In the Spring of 1996, I was chairing, as a recently retired University of
North Dakota professor, a panel on Native American challenges in education
and related dimensions at Indian Time Out Week, held by the Native students
at UND. One panel participant, a well-known Native educator and old friend
from a bit further west, had just returned to the Northern Plains from a
trip to Washington to which he'd gone seeking funds for his Native community
college. When he finished his presentation, he said, "Have kind of an
interesting story." It developed that our friend and colleague, somewhere
along the puddle-jumping plane trip to the Twin Cities, had found himself
sitting next to -- Jesse Helms! As he briefly described Helms, black suit
and sweat, I remembered my long-ago meeting with the Entity from Monroe.
With our naturally uneasy friend, Helms had tried to say how much he
admired Indian people but it fell 'way short, tumbling out of sight into a
Grand Canyon of obvious,syrupy hypocrisy. They left that plane, Helms
following our colleague.
"Did he stick out his hand when you parted?" I asked. "He did," said our
friend. "And we shook hands, though it seemed strange."
"Well," said I, "he does know the amenities." And then, of course, I told
the tale that I've just told you-all, the readers.
In Solidarity -
Hunter Gray [Hunterbear] [formerly, John Salter, Jr.]
Hunter Gray [Hunterbear]
www.hunterbear.org
Protected by Na´shdo´i´ba´i´
and Ohkwari'
In our Gray Hole, the ghosts often dance in the junipers and sage, on the
game trails, in the tributary canyons with the thick red maples, and on the
high windy ridges -- and they dance from within the very essence of our own
inner being. They do this especially when the bright night moon shines down
on the clean white snow that covers the valley and its surroundings. Then
it is as bright as day -- but in an always soft and mysterious and
remembering way. [Hunterbear]
_______________________________________________
Leninist-International mailing list
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To change your options or unsubscribe go to:
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Previous Message by Thread:
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[L-I] Gadar Heritage Foundation condemns the recent gruesome massacre of Hindus in Kas
Gadar Heritage Foundation condemns the recent gruesome massacre of Hindus in
Kashmir Valley
On March 24, 2003 minority Hindus in the village of Nadimarg in
Kulgam-Shopian belt in southern part of Kashmir Valley, 70 km away from
Srinagar, were pulled out of their homes, herded under a Chinar tree and
mowed down by bullets sprayed by Islamic terrorists. The 10 to 15 terrorists
who posed as Security Forces, disarmed the 9-member Police Guard and killed
all but two Hindus, the latter escaping with injuries. Among the 24 persons
killed were two children aged 4 and 5 years, 11 women and eight elderly
people.
Gadar Heritage Foundation strongly condemns these brutalities against
innocent civilians.
As of today, more than 300,000 Kashmiri Hindus have been forced to flee
their homes in the Valley after many of them became victims of terrorist
attacks in the early 1990s. The terrorist movement in Jammu & Kashmir state
of India draws its inspiration, material and moral support from the state of
Pakistan, its various agencies such as Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and
the numerous jehadi outfits spawned during the decade long U.S. sponsored,
Saudi Arabia financed and Pakistan managed war against a progressive
Afghanistan.
The turmoil in Jammu & Kashmir has incorrectly been characterized by many
well-meaning but ill-informed people as a national liberation movement. Such
a characterization makes a mockery of the national liberation struggles
waged throughout the world during
the colonial era. Jammu & Kashmir is a geographically diverse multi-ethnic
and a multi-religious state. None of the local militant / terrorist
organizations, based primarily in the Kashmir Valley, has put forward any
political-economic program for the state, let alone a democratic, secular
political program with social and economic justice. This contrasts with the
"New Kashmir" program of the National Conference of the 1940s in which
peasantry was to be liberated from oppressive landlordism and usurious debt,
in which workers were to be protected, women to be extended full rights, and
special efforts were to be made to liberate marginal communities such as the
pastoral/nomadic people from their poverty and backwardness. This "New
Kashmir" program had the enthusiastic support of Indian leaders like Nehru
and was opposed by leaders of Muslim League of Pakistan. Under the the
leadership of the National Conference and the support of the Central
Government in New Delhi, people of Kashmir made significant advances on all
fronts. Today, however, the militant/terrorist organizations in Jammu &
Kashmir receive their inspiration, not from the visionaries of 1940s
liberation movement but from the most reactionary elements of the Pakistani
state and society including many jehadi groups within Pakistan and
Afghanistan. Their activities in the state are no different than the
activities of various fundamentalist groups of Afghanistan who pushed that
country into medieval barbarism.
Jammu & Kashmir state has had the misfortune of being a victim of
imperialist intrigue ever since the decolonisation of India in 1947. The
region is strategically situated in Asia since it borders India, Pakistan,
Afghanistan, China and is separated from Tajikistan by a narrow strip of
Afghan territory. The British retained control, by proxy, over the northern
area of this region by staging a 'revolt' in the Gilgit/Baltistan region in
1947, having it 'secede' from the state of Jammu & Kashmir and be absorbed
in Pakistan. British goals were to continue their Central Asian Great Game,
their hostile policy against the then Soviet Union, in which they had a
wholehearted willing ally in Pakistan. With the formation of People's
Republic of China in 1949, Jammu & Kashmir received increased attention from
the U.S. led imperialist powers since the region was ideally situated to
serve as a springboard for aggressive implementation of imperialism's policy
of encirclement of Soviet Union and China. Towards this end, imperialism
encouraged the secession of the state from the anti-imperialist Indian
Union.
By 1980, the U.S. had launched a full scale proxy war in Afghanistan to
destroy the progressive government there and trap Soviet Union into the
Afghani tribal/fundamentalist quagmire. What Jammu & Kashmir is witnessing
today is the spillover from that fratricidal Afghan war conducted by
Pakistan at America's behest to destroy Soviet Union, the only force in the
world which not only kept the predatory imperialism of the West at bay but
supported the many struggles of people in various parts of the world against
imperialist domination.
The post 9/11 situation sees the U.S. well entrenched in Afghanistan and the
neighboring Central Asian states. The U.S. may no longer be keen to push for
an independent state of Jammu & Kashmir. Even if that were so, with the
growth and spread of jehadi culture in Afghanistan and Pakistan, an
'independent' Kashmir will still spell doom for its people, especially its
women and non-Muslim minorities. The immense progress on social and economic
fronts that the people of Jammu & Kashmir have made by being part of the
Indian Union in the last 56 years will be reversed as jehadi culture takes
over. Afghanistan is a reminder of the fate that awaits an 'independent'
Kashmir or a Kashmir that becomes part of reactionary Pakistan. It is in the
interests of the Kashmiri people to stay within the democratic and secular
India and struggle with all Indians for a better India. It is also the duty
of all progressives to educate those Kashmiris, who see their salvation in
secession, on the dangers of religious fundamentalism that has gradually
crept into their lives and into their thinking over the years.
Gadar Heritage Foundation supports the struggles of all Indians, Kashmiris
included, for a socially just, secular, egalitarian and united India. In
these struggles all the working people of India must unite, cutting across
all artificial barriers of ethnicity, language, religion and caste, barriers
used by the ruling classes and imperialist predators to divide the people
and weaken their struggles. In these struggles all forms of religious
fundamentalism become debilitating obstacles and must be vigorously opposed.
Maharaj Kaul
Gadar Heritage Foundation
gadar.homestead.com
gadarheritage@xxxxxxxxxxx
P O Box 23532
Pleasant Hill
CA 94523
USA
_________________________________________________________________
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[L-I] North Carolina and Jesse Helms [Personal Reminiscence]
Note by Hunterbear:
One of the few glimpses of the Sun in the otherwise darkened sky of late has
been the departure of Jesse Helms from the United States Senate. Sworn
enemy of All That's Good, staggering through History with his Shovel, he
buried Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness in many settings over many
decades. Here's a repost of a piece I initially did when he announced his
forthcoming retirement. And now that he really did leave, I'm running it
one more time.
And, believe me, before too much longer, the Sun -- Our Sun -- will shine
again. Best - Hunterbear
Personal Reminiscence:
North Carolina and Jesse Helms [Hunter Gray]
PUBLISHED IN THE SOCIALIST [SPUSA] RALEIGH, N.C. JAN/FEB 2003
The departure of Jesse Helms [hopefully forever] from the national political
scene is a vastly pleasant and encouraging development -- much, much more
than, say, even the fading of an especially cruel winter in the Northern
Plains or rain in Death Valley.
I met him directly only once -- a long, long time ago. More on that in a
few moments.
Helms comes from Monroe -- Union County -- North Carolina. Even into
historically recent times, the racism of this place was among the worst in
the South [today, it's becoming a suburb of Charlotte -- but I suspect even
a thin scratch would produce the heavy and oppressive odor of contemporary,
essentially unyielding racism.] This was the setting where, in the late
'50s and just into the '60s, Black leader Rob Williams, a World War II vet
and then president of the local NAACP, and with other very courageous
souls, conducted a series of hard-fought desegregation campaigns at Monroe.
The Black community in that hate-filled town was violently attacked at
different points by increasingly heavy Klan forces -- and Williams, with an
NRA charter, organized an armed self-defense group. Condemned increasingly
by the North Carolina state government, he also wound up on the "hate-list"
of the FBI because of his strong support of the Cuban Revolution. In 1961,
a massive, armed Klan attack was directed against the Black community of
Monroe which climaxed at night. Rob Williams called the office of North
Carolina governor, Terry Sanford, to demand state protection -- but was told
pleasantly by Sanford's assistant, "I would have thought you'd be swinging
from that big tree in the Monroe courthouse yard by this time, Rob."
In the chaos of that final terrible late afternoon and night, Williams and
his people took into protective custody a white couple that, either with
malice or accidentally, had gone "behind the lines" in the Black community.
Although the white couple was released quite unharmed a few hours later,
Williams and others were charged with kidnapping -- and, though he was able
to make his getaway to Cuba, others were caught. They came to trial in
February, 1964 at Monroe.
In those rich and turbulent days, I was Field Organizer for the radical
Southern Conference Educational Fund [SCEF], and based at Raleigh, NC,
working across the Deep South in grassroots civil rights organizing and
anti-Klan work. I was also a very publicly listed and active supporter of
the Committee to Aid the Monroe Defendants [CAMD] -- headed by the excellent
Berta Green [a Trotskyist] and George Weissman and others. The principal
lawyer for my group, SCEF, was Bill Kunstler who was also one of the
attorneys for the Monroe victims. I got into Monroe for the trial in the
early evening before, noting the huge lighted [Christian?] cross on the hill
above, and stopped for gas at what we rather callously used to refer to in
those days as a "cracker nest."
A young white man handled the gas and, when that was completed, I asked him
directions to a particular address -- which was that of the home of the
embattled Dr Albert Perry, a civil rights stalwart where Berta and the
others were staying. He looked at me with great distaste. "Why that's Coon
Town," and he spit it out. "Just tell me where it is, " I said. He
gestured vaguely and backed away.
At Dr Perry's home, the CAMD leaders were gathered -- enmeshed in an
extremely difficult crisis. The "other" defense committee, the Monroe
Defense Committee [MDC] [ Workers World], was also of course, at that
moment, in Monroe. Relationships between the two groups and their followers
were extremely hostile. There had been altercations. The prospect of going
into a major legal defense trial in such a divisive context -- a trial that
was drawing considerable national and international attention -- was clearly
very bad business for everyone on our general side. Since I was very much
of the ecumenical Left, I immediately offered to go to the local
headquarters of the Monroe Defense Committee to see if a pragmatic armistice
could be arranged. I did and, ushered in by heavily armed guards, met the
very charming Mrs Clarence Senior, who with her husband, spearheaded the
MDC. I had no sooner introduced myself when she warmed very visibly, with
a huge smile. "Professor Salter of Tougaloo College," she said, "I know all
about you!" Very soon, and congenially, we had agreement on treaty
basics -- and, with only a few more back and forth middle-of-the-night
trips [Berta et al. and CAMD were as agreeable as Mrs Senior and MDC], we
had full agreement on joint cooperation in all key areas -- including media
presentations and statements.
The trial, as massive a perversion of justice as I've ever seen anywhere,
took place in this absolutely hate-filled town of Monroe [the Helms'
home-town], saturated with obvious [if ungarbed] Ku Kluxers, a raft of
Federal and state finks, and newspersons from the four corners of the globe.
A blatantly stacked-deck -- a completely unabashed one from the outset --
the "trial" ran its obviously racist course -- presided over by an openly "
hanging judge" type flanked by a gaggle of heavily armed deputies. The
Monroe victim defendants were, of course, convicted -- and appealed -- and
eventually were finally freed.
One of the most conspicuous regional media outfits in Monroe for this
nefarious affair was the racist television station from Raleigh in which
Jesse Helms was the major fixture -- WRAL-TV. It also always played a
conspicuously prolonged rendition of "Dixie" each night before its merciful
shut-down.
About a year later, I was -- as I had been for some many, many months --
directing a major, intensive and increasingly successful civil rights, voter
registration, and anti-Klan campaign in the extremely racist,
rigidly-segregated, poverty-stricken, Klan-infested multi-county
Northeastern North Carolina Blackbelt. This region, although predominately
Black , also had a substantial and equally victimized Native American
population which was deeply involved in our Movement. Our campaign was, in
the face of virulently racist opposition -- e.g., antagonistic and
viciously resistant voter registrars, widespread economic reprisals, open
violence from police and Klan-types [and with hostile state agents from the
NC State Bureau of Investigation and equally hostile FBI finks hovering in
the shadows] organizing the grassroots, county by county, and generating
extremely capable local leadership. Excellent lawyers [Bill Kunstler, Morty
Stavis, Phil Hirschkop]
were major and critical assets.
As all of this burgeoned along, WRAL-TV and Jesse Helms at Raleigh were
among our shrillest and most hostile media critics. And then, at one point,
in that Spring of '65, Jesse Helms, in a news cast, levied an especially
venomous Red-baiting blast against me and our Blackbelt project: 2 minutes
and 18 seconds of it. But, in his fervor, he'd overstepped -- and the
upshot was that I got "equal time." Seeing no point in responding to his
Red charges, I put together, instead, a necessarily trenchant statement
which discussed the hideous nature of the North Carolina Blackbelt setting
and its power structure, also attacked the United Klans of America, and
called for a strong Federal voting rights act [then in the Congressional
hopper.] My statement, which I refined and honed and read to my patient,
watch-holding wife at least 15 times, fell neatly into the 2 minutes, 18
seconds context.
When the day came, I went to WRAL, on the outskirts of Raleigh. Entering
the station, I noted the delegation of several somber-faced white men
approaching me -- led by a black-suited entity which I realized was Jesse
Helms. We faced each other, staring, for a very long moment indeed. He saw
whatever he saw in me -- and I saw a pudgy, rather heavy-faced man, wearing
glasses behind which his quite conspicuous eyes blinked rapidly. He was
sweating. Then he stuck out his hand, with the coldest formality I've ever
encountered, and I took it -- and we, very perfunctorily, shook hands. "Are
you ready?" he asked me. "I am," said I. "Quite ready indeed." As though
we were en route to the ultimate manifestation of The Code Duello under the
Southern pines, we walked, he and I together, and followed by his
colleagues, up a stairway, to a broadcasting room.
There, with Jesse Helms sweating even more profusely, I took out my written
statement. Still staring, he told me, "You have two minutes and eighteen
seconds, son." Ignoring that, I nodded. The lights were fixed hard and
heatedly upon me and I could sense Jesse Helms' cold and distasteful stare
from behind. I read my statement, briskly and clearly, and I got it all
in: the awful nature of the Blackbelt and its power structure, the
intimidation and violence, the Klan -- and the need for a very strong
Federal voting rights act.
When it was over, after 2 minutes and 18 seconds, we walked back
downstairs -- followed by his colleagues. Obviously angry and with his face
still sweating profusely and his eyes big and cold, Jesse Helms looked at me
and I at him. Without saying a word, he stuck out his hand again and I took
it and we shook -- this time, very very perfunctorily. He and his group
turned and stalked away. The next day, back up in the Blackbelt, I was
asked by my very good friends and civil rights colleagues, Reed and Willa
[Cofield] Johnson of Enfield -- another hate-filled little bastion -- just
what it was like to shake hands with Jesse Helms.
I thought for a long moment. "It was like shaking hands with a toad's
belly," said I. And I still hold, to this very day, to that very accurate
descriptive analysis of that absolutely weird and surrealistic experience.
Our Northeastern Blackbelt project rolled on to many, many successes. In
time, I went on to many other organizing campaigns. And Jesse Helms went to
the U.S. Senate where his Never Never Potions and Malevolent Witch-Craft
have poured rank poison into our national culture and the long-suffering
world scene for a very, very long and tragic time.
In the Spring of 1996, I was chairing, as a recently retired University of
North Dakota professor, a panel on Native American challenges in education
and related dimensions at Indian Time Out Week, held by the Native students
at UND. One panel participant, a well-known Native educator and old friend
from a bit further west, had just returned to the Northern Plains from a
trip to Washington to which he'd gone seeking funds for his Native community
college. When he finished his presentation, he said, "Have kind of an
interesting story." It developed that our friend and colleague, somewhere
along the puddle-jumping plane trip to the Twin Cities, had found himself
sitting next to -- Jesse Helms! As he briefly described Helms, black suit
and sweat, I remembered my long-ago meeting with the Entity from Monroe.
With our naturally uneasy friend, Helms had tried to say how much he
admired Indian people but it fell 'way short, tumbling out of sight into a
Grand Canyon of obvious,syrupy hypocrisy. They left that plane, Helms
following our colleague.
"Did he stick out his hand when you parted?" I asked. "He did," said our
friend. "And we shook hands, though it seemed strange."
"Well," said I, "he does know the amenities." And then, of course, I told
the tale that I've just told you-all, the readers.
In Solidarity -
Hunter Gray [Hunterbear] [formerly, John Salter, Jr.]
Hunter Gray [Hunterbear]
www.hunterbear.org
Protected by Na´shdo´i´ba´i´
and Ohkwari'
In our Gray Hole, the ghosts often dance in the junipers and sage, on the
game trails, in the tributary canyons with the thick red maples, and on the
high windy ridges -- and they dance from within the very essence of our own
inner being. They do this especially when the bright night moon shines down
on the clean white snow that covers the valley and its surroundings. Then
it is as bright as day -- but in an always soft and mysterious and
remembering way. [Hunterbear]
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