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Subject: Winston Churchill on Iraq - msg#00137List: culture.people.interesting-people
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------ Forwarded Message From: "Howard Butcher, IV" <hbiv@xxxxxxxxxxxx> Date: Mon, 10 Mar 2003 09:36:56 -0500 To: Dave Farber <dave@xxxxxxxxxx> Subject: Winston Churchill on Iraq Dear Dave, This is an article I think you might want to share with your IP'rs if for no other reason to bring some balance to the majority of what you have been sending out recently. I also recommend to you an excellent article in last week's New Yorker magazine on "Two Centuries of European Anti Americanism", which I can't send along because it isn't available on line. Best, Howard 'My Grandfather Invented Iraq' By WINSTON S. CHURCHILL HOUSTON -- As thunderclouds gather over the Middle East, America and Britain stand once again shoulder to shoulder preparing to draw the sword in defense of freedom, democracy and human rights. A line has been drawn in the sands of the Arabian desert. By this week, we will have deployed some 200,000 American troops, together with more than 40,000 British, who will shortly be committed to battle. Meanwhile, I have a confession to make: It was my grandfather, Winston Churchill, who invented Iraq and laid the foundation for much of the modern Middle East. In 1921, as British colonial secretary, Churchill was responsible for creating Jordan and Iraq and for placing the Hashemite rulers, Abdullah and Feisal, on their respective thrones in Amman and Baghdad. Furthermore, he delineated for the first time the political boundaries of Biblical Palestine. Eighty years later, it falls to us to liberate Iraq from the scourge of one of the most ruthless dictators in history. As we stand poised on the brink of war, my grandfather's experience has lessons for us. *** The parallels between Saddam Hussein's repeated flouting of U.N. resolutions -- 17 over the past 12 years -- calls to mind the impotence of the U.N. forerunner, the League of Nations. In the 1930s, the victors of the First World War -- Britain, France and the U.S. -- fecklessly allowed the League of Nations' resolutions to be flouted. This was done first by the Japanese, who invaded Manchuria, then by the Italian dictator Mussolini's invasion of Ethiopia and, most gravely, by Nazi Germany. Had the Allies held firm and shown the same resolve to uphold the rule of law among nations that President Bush and Prime Minister Blair are demonstrating today, there is little doubt that World War II, with all its horrors, could have been avoided. Indeed it was for that reason that Churchill called World War II the "Unneccesary War." Tragically, the same sickness that infected the League of Nations -- a feebleness of spirit, an unwillingness to face the realities of the world we live in, and a determination to place corrupt self-interest before the common good -- now afflicts the governments of France, Germany and Belgium. I can think of few actions more shameful than the recent vote by these three nations in the counsels of NATO to deny the Turks -- the only NATO country to share a common border with Iraq -- the protection they need against the very real possibility of an Iraqi missile attack. This region, in particular, was one of the great disappointments of my grandfather's career. After the creation of Iraq, Iran and Palestine, he wanted to create a fourth political entity in the region, Kurdistan. Against his better judgment, he allowed himself to be overruled by the officials of the colonial office, a tragic decision which, to this day, has deprived the Kurds of a nation of their own and caused them to be split up under Iran, Iraq and Turkey, each of which has persecuted them for their aspiration to self-determination -- none more so than Saddam. My grandfather's resolve and leadership offer a second parallel to today's situation -- one that confronted the world 55 years ago, when America was on the point of losing her monopoly of the atomic bomb. As leader of the opposition in the British parliament, Churchill was gravely alarmed at the prospect of the Soviet Union acquiring atomic, and eventually nuclear, weapons of its own. He said at the time, "What will happen when they get the atomic bomb themselves and have accumulated a large store? No one in his senses can believe that we have a limitless period of time before us." As President Bush and Mr. Blair intend today in the case of Iraq, Winston Churchill in 1948 favored the threat and -- if need be the reality -- of a pre-emptive strike to safeguard the interests of the Free World. Aware of the dangers ahead, Churchill believed that the U.S. -- while it still had a monopoly of atomic power -- should require the Soviet Union to abandon the development of these weapons, if need be by threatening their use. The Truman administration chose not to heed his advice. The result was the Cold War, in the course of which the world -- on more than one occasion -- came perilously close to a nuclear holocaust. It is no great surprise that the nations which long toiled under the yoke of communism during the Cold War are our greatest supporters today. Unlike the French, Germans and Belgians, the East Europeans have not forgotten the debt of gratitude they owe to the United States, first for liberating them from the Nazis and, most recently, from Soviet domination. With absurd Gallic arrogance Mr. Chirac has threatened to block next year's scheduled entry into the EU of some 10 East European nations as punishment for their support of the Anglo-American position on Iraq. Beneath the protests of the French and the Germans, we can discern in the current crisis, the fading of the old Europe dominated by the Franco-German axis. Messrs. Chirac and Schroeder, in urging delay, know full well that if the impending attack is not launched in the next two to three weeks, it cannot, realistically, take place until the end of the year, granting Saddam an eight-month reprieve. In whose interest would that be, I wonder? No doubt they imagine that, by their delaying tactics, they can save Saddam's bacon and with it their own arms-for-oil contracts. But I have news for these two shabby peace-mongers who know no shame: By their failure to join in the coalition of the willing -- indeed, by their deliberate attempts to frustrate the removal of Saddam -- they will forfeit both their arms contracts and their Iraqi oil. And it could not happen to nicer people! Like President Reagan before him, George W. Bush has what my grandfather would have called "the root of the matter" in him. He is able to discern the most important issues of the day and to stand firm by his beliefs. Likewise, Tony Blair. On Iraq and the Anglo-American alliance, the British prime minister has got it absolutely right: He is pursuing the true national interest of Great Britain, which is to stand at the side of the Great Republic, as my grandfather was fond of calling the land of his mother's birth. *** The time has come for the world community -- or such of it as has the courage to act -- to deal with this monster once and for all. Were we to shirk from this duty, the U.N. would go the way of the League. More gravely, a marriage of convenience would be consummated between the terrorist forces of al Qaeda and the arsenal of chemical, biological and nuclear capabilities which Saddam possesses. We have business to do and I believe that together, America and Britain, and those of our allies who share our sense of urgency and strength of commitment, will soon rid the world of this demented despot, liberate the Iraqi people from tyranny, and strike a further blow against the ambitions of fundamentalist terror. Mr. Churchill, a former British M.P., is the editor of "Never Give In!" a collection of Winston Churchill's speeches, due in November from Hyperion. This is adapted from a speech at the Houston Forum.
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Previous Message by Date:Gov'ts Hold Reins in those National Domains------ Forwarded Message From: Michael Geist <mgeist@xxxxxxxxx> Date: Mon, 10 Mar 2003 09:14:53 -0500 To: dave@xxxxxxxxxx Subject: Gov'ts Hold Reins in those National Domains Dave, Of possible interest - my regular Toronto Star Law Bytes column focuses on ccTLD governance issues in the wake of last week's ITU meeting on national governments and ccTLDs. The column argues that the role of national governments is far more pronounced than is generally appreciated with many governments eschewing a purely self-regulatory approach due primarily to public interest concerns. Instead, many ccTLDs feature national governments that actively administer their domain or retain ultimate control through legislation or contractual controls. Column at <http://shorl.com/famajoladrapru> [Toronto Star] <http://www.torontostar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1035778927272&call_pageid=968350072197&col=969048863851> MG Governments Hold Reins in Those National Domains Michael Geist GENEVA-The story of Internet governance typically focuses on the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), a California, non-profit corporation. Established by the U.S. government in 1998, its mandate is to administer issues such as the allocation of new top-level domains and the implementation of a domain name dispute resolution policy. Although the U.S. government retains ultimate power over the system, ICANN serves as the paramount example of self-regulation of the Internet, since its leadership rests with private stakeholders such as business interests, communication infrastructure companies, and, to a lesser degree, Internet users. Since its inception, ICANN has been at the centre of a storm of controversy. Internet users have bemoaned their lack of influence as the promised nine seats on the board of directors dwindled first to five seats and, more recently, to zero. Commercial interests have complained about hesitancy establishing new top-level domains. While these criticisms have played out in the public eye, there has also been a hidden side to Internet governance. That side revealed itself in Geneva last week as delegates from around the world participated at an International Telecommunications Union workshop devoted to the interplay between national governments and country-code top-level domains (ccTLDs). Various presentations revealed that the ICANN model of Internet self-regulation is treated with a healthy dose of skepticism at the national level. Rather, in the world of ccTLDs, the role of national governments is far more pronounced than is generally appreciated. Many governments eschew a purely self-regulatory approach in favour of actively administering their domain, or retaining ultimate control through legislation or contractual controls. In domain-name parlance, the Internet is divided between two types of top-level domains. Generic top-level domains (gTLDs), which include dot-com, dot-net and dot-org, are generally considered international domains without an attachment to any specific country or government. Operating alongside the dozen or so generic top-level domains, are nearly 250 country-code top-level domains representing countries and territories from every corner of the globe. Within Canada, for example, the dot-ca domain name has become increasingly popular in recent years as organizations seek to establish an online presence that is clearly Canadian. National governments tend to play an active role in their national domain due to public interest concerns. In many countries, the country-code domain is viewed as a national resource, with governments anxious to preserve at least a small slice of the Internet that reflects local values and policies. This approach frequently manifests itself by limiting domain name registrations to individuals and businesses that meet local presence requirements. This in turn ensures that local law will apply should a dispute arise, and enshrining local privacy and free speech laws within the national domain name policy framework. Not all countries have chosen a public interest model. Some have adopted a more market-oriented approach, competing directly with the generic top-level domains by opening their domain name to registration by anyone. The two largest country-code top level domains - dot-uk (United Kingdom) and dot-de (Germany), which both have millions of registrations, have adopted this approach. At last week's Geneva meeting, it became increasingly clear that many country-code domains are now struggling to reconcile commercial success with the public interest. Some fear that as their domains pursue a market-based orientation, the public interest priorities may be cast aside in the hope of garnering ever more registrations and commercial success. For example, representatives of the tiny Pacific Island of Niue attended the meeting and reported how the island government had granted the rights to sell dot-nu domains to a foreign company in return for Internet access throughout the island and a share of the resulting revenue. With the company firmly in control of the domain, the government lamented that the country had seen few of the promised benefits. In response, it has now passed national legislation seeking to re-affirm control over its own name. The challenge of balancing commercial and public interest concerns resonates particularly loudly in Canada. The Canadian Internet Registration Authority, the agency responsible for administering the dot-ca (I currently sit on the CIRA board), has admirably held two open elections and has so far retained Canadian presence requirements that limit registration to those who reside in Canada or with a Canadian connection. At the same time, commercial success has come at a price as CIRA faces the challenge of achieving an effective governance balance that limits conflicts and adequately reflects the views of all stakeholders including Internet users, commercial enterprises and governments. With ccTLDs growing faster than gTLDs in most countries, the tension between governmental and self-regulatory models of Internet governance is bound to increase. National domains can clearly compete with gTLDs on a commercial level or promote the public interest by placing limitations on the commercialization of the domain. Whether both goals can be achieved remains an unanswered question, one that may well determine the role of governments within Internet governance. Next Message by Date:Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame------ Forwarded Message From: "Paczkowski, John" <JPaczkowski@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> Date: Mon, 10 Mar 2003 11:42:24 -0500 To: "'dave@xxxxxxxxxx'" <dave@xxxxxxxxxx> Subject: Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame By Scott Herhold Mercury News The ``Friends of Frank'' network says something about Silicon Valley that escaped industry regulators. It's nothing admirable. It's nothing we would readily confess. It is very human. Among techies, the dominant reaction to the news that 63 friends of banker Frank Quattrone made big IPO gains wasn't shame. It was envy. Which is to say that the detailed chart the Mercury News published Friday about the potential profits of the Friends of Frank evoked this reaction first at breakfast tables in the valley: How did he or she get more than I did? How can I prove this? I can't. I have no scientific evidence. And I would bet there are more than a few ordinary investors who are incensed that the insiders got such sweet risk-free deals. As I read through the list and talked to people Friday, though, two things occurred to me. First, our sense of shame is less than our greed. And our greed is less than our yearning for a place of honor in the pecking order. My proof is anecdotal. One venture capitalist joked that his kids' middle-school principal will use the list as a fundraising tool. A tech executive confessed to jealousy as he e-mailed the list to dozens of his friends. A prominent investor wondered who didn't make the list. The buzz far outweighed any outrage. You can bemoan this with reason. The NASD, formerly the National Association of Securities Dealers, made an eloquent case that there were victims to the ``spinning'' Credit Suisse First Boston elevated to a high art. In their view, companies left money on the table by selling their IPO shares too cheaply. Nobody suffers illusions about what went on here. With some precision, Credit Suisse used the friends' accounts to reward executives who delivered investment banking business. The bigger the business, the more the reward. The curious ethics of Silicon Valley -- in fact, the ethos of the place -- lend Frank's Friends a half-dozen easy rationales for taking the money. The refrain went this way: . . . Sure, it's back-scratching. But it's not really so different from the deals that happen every day in business. When a company awards a favored customer a box at the Sharks' game, is the morality purer? . . . Spinning is standard practice among investment banks cultivating their business. It didn't affect our judgment of which bank was best. . . . It wasn't really that much money, at least not compared to the wealth created in IPOs. Was a couple of million dollars really that much to Mory Ejabat, the former chief executive of Ascend Communications, which was sold to Lucent in 1999 for $25 billion with Frank's help? Nah. It's easy to argue that it was Ejabat's tip money. Nope. If there was outrage at the publication of the list, it was that some people got rewarded more than others. The executives who had IPOs in 2000, for example, weren't able to participate in the hot issues of the year before. And the largesse generally extended to only one or two people at each company. (One exception was Phone.com, where word of the Friends' accounts was passed around and 12 employees signed up. The payoff there was a more democratic affair). While Quattrone has lost his job and faces a variety of investigations, it's all but inconceivable that regulators will come after the Friends themselves. Down deep, there's a wary pride in being on the list. After all, they deserved it, didn't they? You want shame? However richly it's deserved, you won't find much of it in the corridors of tech. In Silicon Valley, we don't oppose special privilege as a concept. We just want a piece of it for ourselves. __________________________________________________ John Paczkowski Good Morning Silicon Valley | http://www.siliconvalley.com/mld/siliconvalley/business/columnists/gmsv/ <http://www.gmsv.com/> SiliconValley.com | http://www.siliconvalley.com <http://www.siliconvalley.com/> ----- Knight Ridder Digital 35 South Market Street San Jose, CA 95113 > ------ End of Forwarded Message Previous Message by Thread:Gov'ts Hold Reins in those National Domains------ Forwarded Message From: Michael Geist <mgeist@xxxxxxxxx> Date: Mon, 10 Mar 2003 09:14:53 -0500 To: dave@xxxxxxxxxx Subject: Gov'ts Hold Reins in those National Domains Dave, Of possible interest - my regular Toronto Star Law Bytes column focuses on ccTLD governance issues in the wake of last week's ITU meeting on national governments and ccTLDs. The column argues that the role of national governments is far more pronounced than is generally appreciated with many governments eschewing a purely self-regulatory approach due primarily to public interest concerns. Instead, many ccTLDs feature national governments that actively administer their domain or retain ultimate control through legislation or contractual controls. Column at <http://shorl.com/famajoladrapru> [Toronto Star] <http://www.torontostar.com/NASApp/cs/ContentServer?pagename=thestar/Layout/Article_Type1&c=Article&cid=1035778927272&call_pageid=968350072197&col=969048863851> MG Governments Hold Reins in Those National Domains Michael Geist GENEVA-The story of Internet governance typically focuses on the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), a California, non-profit corporation. Established by the U.S. government in 1998, its mandate is to administer issues such as the allocation of new top-level domains and the implementation of a domain name dispute resolution policy. Although the U.S. government retains ultimate power over the system, ICANN serves as the paramount example of self-regulation of the Internet, since its leadership rests with private stakeholders such as business interests, communication infrastructure companies, and, to a lesser degree, Internet users. Since its inception, ICANN has been at the centre of a storm of controversy. Internet users have bemoaned their lack of influence as the promised nine seats on the board of directors dwindled first to five seats and, more recently, to zero. Commercial interests have complained about hesitancy establishing new top-level domains. While these criticisms have played out in the public eye, there has also been a hidden side to Internet governance. That side revealed itself in Geneva last week as delegates from around the world participated at an International Telecommunications Union workshop devoted to the interplay between national governments and country-code top-level domains (ccTLDs). Various presentations revealed that the ICANN model of Internet self-regulation is treated with a healthy dose of skepticism at the national level. Rather, in the world of ccTLDs, the role of national governments is far more pronounced than is generally appreciated. Many governments eschew a purely self-regulatory approach in favour of actively administering their domain, or retaining ultimate control through legislation or contractual controls. In domain-name parlance, the Internet is divided between two types of top-level domains. Generic top-level domains (gTLDs), which include dot-com, dot-net and dot-org, are generally considered international domains without an attachment to any specific country or government. Operating alongside the dozen or so generic top-level domains, are nearly 250 country-code top-level domains representing countries and territories from every corner of the globe. Within Canada, for example, the dot-ca domain name has become increasingly popular in recent years as organizations seek to establish an online presence that is clearly Canadian. National governments tend to play an active role in their national domain due to public interest concerns. In many countries, the country-code domain is viewed as a national resource, with governments anxious to preserve at least a small slice of the Internet that reflects local values and policies. This approach frequently manifests itself by limiting domain name registrations to individuals and businesses that meet local presence requirements. This in turn ensures that local law will apply should a dispute arise, and enshrining local privacy and free speech laws within the national domain name policy framework. Not all countries have chosen a public interest model. Some have adopted a more market-oriented approach, competing directly with the generic top-level domains by opening their domain name to registration by anyone. The two largest country-code top level domains - dot-uk (United Kingdom) and dot-de (Germany), which both have millions of registrations, have adopted this approach. At last week's Geneva meeting, it became increasingly clear that many country-code domains are now struggling to reconcile commercial success with the public interest. Some fear that as their domains pursue a market-based orientation, the public interest priorities may be cast aside in the hope of garnering ever more registrations and commercial success. For example, representatives of the tiny Pacific Island of Niue attended the meeting and reported how the island government had granted the rights to sell dot-nu domains to a foreign company in return for Internet access throughout the island and a share of the resulting revenue. With the company firmly in control of the domain, the government lamented that the country had seen few of the promised benefits. In response, it has now passed national legislation seeking to re-affirm control over its own name. The challenge of balancing commercial and public interest concerns resonates particularly loudly in Canada. The Canadian Internet Registration Authority, the agency responsible for administering the dot-ca (I currently sit on the CIRA board), has admirably held two open elections and has so far retained Canadian presence requirements that limit registration to those who reside in Canada or with a Canadian connection. At the same time, commercial success has come at a price as CIRA faces the challenge of achieving an effective governance balance that limits conflicts and adequately reflects the views of all stakeholders including Internet users, commercial enterprises and governments. With ccTLDs growing faster than gTLDs in most countries, the tension between governmental and self-regulatory models of Internet governance is bound to increase. National domains can clearly compete with gTLDs on a commercial level or promote the public interest by placing limitations on the commercialization of the domain. Whether both goals can be achieved remains an unanswered question, one that may well determine the role of governments within Internet governance. Next Message by Thread:Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame------ Forwarded Message From: "Paczkowski, John" <JPaczkowski@xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx> Date: Mon, 10 Mar 2003 11:42:24 -0500 To: "'dave@xxxxxxxxxx'" <dave@xxxxxxxxxx> Subject: Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame Quattrone list spurs envy, not shame By Scott Herhold Mercury News The ``Friends of Frank'' network says something about Silicon Valley that escaped industry regulators. It's nothing admirable. It's nothing we would readily confess. It is very human. Among techies, the dominant reaction to the news that 63 friends of banker Frank Quattrone made big IPO gains wasn't shame. It was envy. Which is to say that the detailed chart the Mercury News published Friday about the potential profits of the Friends of Frank evoked this reaction first at breakfast tables in the valley: How did he or she get more than I did? How can I prove this? I can't. I have no scientific evidence. And I would bet there are more than a few ordinary investors who are incensed that the insiders got such sweet risk-free deals. As I read through the list and talked to people Friday, though, two things occurred to me. First, our sense of shame is less than our greed. And our greed is less than our yearning for a place of honor in the pecking order. My proof is anecdotal. One venture capitalist joked that his kids' middle-school principal will use the list as a fundraising tool. A tech executive confessed to jealousy as he e-mailed the list to dozens of his friends. A prominent investor wondered who didn't make the list. The buzz far outweighed any outrage. You can bemoan this with reason. The NASD, formerly the National Association of Securities Dealers, made an eloquent case that there were victims to the ``spinning'' Credit Suisse First Boston elevated to a high art. In their view, companies left money on the table by selling their IPO shares too cheaply. Nobody suffers illusions about what went on here. With some precision, Credit Suisse used the friends' accounts to reward executives who delivered investment banking business. The bigger the business, the more the reward. The curious ethics of Silicon Valley -- in fact, the ethos of the place -- lend Frank's Friends a half-dozen easy rationales for taking the money. The refrain went this way: . . . Sure, it's back-scratching. But it's not really so different from the deals that happen every day in business. When a company awards a favored customer a box at the Sharks' game, is the morality purer? . . . Spinning is standard practice among investment banks cultivating their business. It didn't affect our judgment of which bank was best. . . . It wasn't really that much money, at least not compared to the wealth created in IPOs. Was a couple of million dollars really that much to Mory Ejabat, the former chief executive of Ascend Communications, which was sold to Lucent in 1999 for $25 billion with Frank's help? Nah. It's easy to argue that it was Ejabat's tip money. Nope. If there was outrage at the publication of the list, it was that some people got rewarded more than others. The executives who had IPOs in 2000, for example, weren't able to participate in the hot issues of the year before. And the largesse generally extended to only one or two people at each company. (One exception was Phone.com, where word of the Friends' accounts was passed around and 12 employees signed up. The payoff there was a more democratic affair). While Quattrone has lost his job and faces a variety of investigations, it's all but inconceivable that regulators will come after the Friends themselves. Down deep, there's a wary pride in being on the list. After all, they deserved it, didn't they? You want shame? However richly it's deserved, you won't find much of it in the corridors of tech. In Silicon Valley, we don't oppose special privilege as a concept. We just want a piece of it for ourselves. __________________________________________________ John Paczkowski Good Morning Silicon Valley | http://www.siliconvalley.com/mld/siliconvalley/business/columnists/gmsv/ <http://www.gmsv.com/> SiliconValley.com | http://www.siliconvalley.com <http://www.siliconvalley.com/> ----- Knight Ridder Digital 35 South Market Street San Jose, CA 95113 > ------ End of Forwarded Message
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