Jaipur - from memories to spectrum of virtual world

> From memories to spectrum of virtual world
Study of cultural transition in urban slums of Jaipur city
Rajaram Bhadu

Introduction
Rapid economic growth and industrialization in 
the country has caused the emergence of 'slums' 
in the cities/town. A part from this, very high 
rates for residential plots in the cities/towns 
which are beyond the reach of the poor, lack of 
developed residential land and the influx of 
population to urban areas in search of employment 
are the root causes for the growth of slums. The 
houses are either in dilapidated condition or 
kutcha in slum areas, which totally lack basic 
civic amenities such as light, drinking water, 
toilets, fresh air, roads etc. The paths in the 
slums are narrow and filthy. There is likelihood 
of occurrence of air and water bone diseases in 
such areas. Though is vary difficult to define 
slums, the Census Organization classified the 
following areas as slums :
1. All such areas, which have been notified by 
state/local government, or central administered 
areas by any act as slums.
2. All such areas, which have recognised as slums 
by state/local govt. and central administered 
areas but not notified by any act.
3. All such congested areas which have a minimum 
population of 300 or 60-70 households with 
unplanned residential clusters which totally lack 
basic civic amenities of light, drinking water, 
sanitation, unpolluted air etc,
Slums in Rajasthan
For the first time in the history of Indian 
Census, population statistics has been gathered 
for 'slum areas' from all the cities/towns having 
population of 50,000 or more as per 1991 Census 
in the state of Rajasthan in Census 2001. There 
are 34 such areas in the state.
To collect the population statistics for slum 
areas a total number of 2,422 enumeration blocks 
were carved out in the state.
Out of the total urban population of Rajasthan 
i.e. 13,205,444 as per provisional figures of 
2001 Census, 1,206,123 persons are living in slum 
areas of the state. This constitutes 9.13 percent 
of the total urban population. Only 25 
cities/towns including UAs have identified slums 
in their jurisdiction. Municipal authorities of 
Jhunjhunun, Churu, Bhilwara, Bundi, Dhaulpur, 
Ganganagar, Gangapur City, Hindaun and Tonk have 
reported nil slum population.
In absolute terms the highest number of slum 
dwellers i.e. 350,535 are living in the limits of 
Jaipur Municipal Corporation, which alone 
constitutes 29.50% of slum population of the 
state and 15.07% of total population (2,324,913) 
of city. It is followed by Jodhpur, Kota and 
Ajmer with 18.31, 21.56 and 24.57 percentage of 
slum population to their total population 
respectively. The highest percentage of slum 
dwellers to total population has been recorded at 
35.12 for Kishangarh city of Ajmer district. 
Kishangarh is notable for its fast growing marble 
industry in the country.
The literacy rates for persons, males and females 
of the slum population of the state have been 
recorded as 66.19, 78.77 and 52.23% respectively, 
which are lower than that of the total urban 
population of the state. On the other hand, the 
sex ratios of the total slum population and its 
population in 0-6 age group have been recorded as 
900 and 901 respectively, which are significantly 
higher than that of corresponding sex ratios of 
the urban population of the state.
Slums in Jaipur
Department of education Rajasthan, Unicef 
(Rajasthan) and Bodh Shiksha Samiti conducted a 
baseline survey of slums in Jaipur 1998 for govt. 
of India and United Nation's education programme. 
This study reveals the facts that the total 
population of Jaipur i.e. 22,02,645 consists of 
those 30% population i.e. 6,60943 who lived 
invariably in slums. Where the urban population 
growth rate is in between 4 to 6 %, the 
population of slums is growing at the rate of 30 
percent.
According to the survey there are 279 slums at 
present in Jaipur city. The survey indicates lack 
of essential civil amenities in these slums. The 
existence of Govt. Schools only in 74 slums out 
of 279 clearly shows their poor civil conditions. 
An over all exodus of rural population towards 
the city in search of livelihood seems to be the 
only authentic cause behind this speedily 
expansion of slums. Apparently they come from 
different socio-cultural and religious 
backgrounds. They have struggle hard here to work 
and earn livelihood.
Cultural issues of slums
During past few years several studies and surveys 
on Jaipur city's urban slums have been conducted. 
Most of them focused on educational requirements 
and to have up-to-date knowledge of health 
programmes by Govt. and Non-govt. agencies. Thus 
these have limited to the extent of preparing a 
base line. Apart from these, there are some 
notable studies also. One of them is of Shail 
Mayaram which unveils the increasing tension of 
communal bias and ghettoization between Hindu and 
Muslim habitation. (Communal violence in Jaipur, 
IDS 1993). Recently a study done by Jean Drais 
gives authentic description of the challenges and 
hardships faced by the poor who are rushing 
towards cities from drought hit rural areas. One 
of the heart-hurting facts that essentially needs 
to be underlined is that the trend of family 
suicide among them is on increase in these days.
But no such study of these slums is available up 
to this endeavor, which gives a vivid picture of 
continuing marginalisation and displacement of 
these communities/families. A study, which 
explains slum as a disjointed group, totally cut 
off from social control and value structure, in 
which their cultural memories of past life are 
collected and the crisis of present identity as 
well as the struggle for recognition has been 
documented. No such study exists which analyses 
the process of deculturization and 
acculturazation of these people. Nor we in any 
way know how and what type of role religion, 
regionality, language and caste play in the 
cultural interactions of these composite 
communities. What sort of change takes place in 
the sexual behavior of their women after the 
erosion of social control and value structure? 
How far this cultural vacuum is responsible for 
their addiction to gambling and having drugs? 
What type of power structures and gangsterings 
are developing in them? How far education, media 
and NGO's have been able to decrease their 
mentality of parasite living? Are some new 
cultural procedures or cultural forms emerging in 
these slums? These and other such questions 
necessitate to explore and to have a profound 
study of this cultural phenomena.
Objectives of the Study
1. To identify the original cultural forms of the 
communities residing in the slums.
2. To investigate the cultural interactions and 
impacts among the different communities.
3. To analyze the elements responsible for and 
the processes of deculturization, acculturization 
and lapse of memory of the residents.
4. To identify new culture forms and cultural 
innovations generated by the interactions within 
the community and among the communities.
5. To search out alternative cultural strategies 
and programmes for active intervention among 
various communities.
Basis of Selection of the Slums for Study
Dividing them in four types according to the 
stages of development can see these slums.
1. First type of such slums basically, consists 
of depressed casts such as - Harijan bastis, 
Kathputali or Kalakar basti marginalised from the 
city and families, which have also settled in 
them. These are comparatively older habitations.
2. Second type of slums has acquired stability 
after a specific period of time. They have got 
themselves regularized by forming a pressure 
group and then putting a hard pressure on the 
government. A particular type of social order has 
begun to gain a ground here.
3. Third type of slums is those, which are 
passing through a temporary phase and have no 
clear communitarian image.
4. This type has come into existence after the 
declaration of Jaipur as a Heritage City. Some of 
the slums under this scheme have been displaced 
from their original site and established at a new 
place for the sake of beautifying the city.
Later three types of slums have taken up for 
study. Second type of regular slums has mainly 
one community in majority such as Nepalis, 
Muslims, Paharis or Bengalis etc. But Manoharpura 
is a composite typed basti, which is selected. 
Like is, one each from third and fourth type of 
slums has taken up which have mixed character of 
community. One of the reasons of leaving aside 
the first type of colony is that here generally 
the process of saskritization taking place which 
is familiar.
Methodology
For framing socio-economic perspective of the 
three slums selected for study the secondary data 
and material available have studied and analysed. 
Structured and open ended (both) interviews have 
conducted with group discussion among men - women 
and adolescents in different groups.  To capture 
the detailed history of cultural practices case 
studies have done some selected families. I have 
tried to analysis and evaluate the narratives and 
content of cultural forms. I used to 
participatory observation of cultural activities, 
actions and practices of communities.
The nature of the study is interdisciplinary and qualitative.
The study is supported by approach of 
subaltern-studies, gender studies and methodology 
of anthropological studies as well as other 
knowledge bases.
Profile of the selected slums
1. Monoharpura
Monoharpura established in 1989, 280 families 
were shifted over here from Jalebli Chock, which 
is the heart of the old city. At that place 
Janata market a posh market space exists at 
present. When families shifted here, it was a 
pastureland beside a drain (Ganda Nala), only 
three- four huts of Kalbelia (snake charmers) 
families were here before new comer families. Now 
Kalbelia families have increased. Raisa (60), a 
dai by profession told me that they did fight 
long time to get settled here. Some dominating 
people of nearby village try to throw him from 
this place. Then they called City Corporation and 
JAD for help and filed a case in Supreme Court. 
Raisa told that in those days Gundas and Police 
persons were harassed their bahu-batis. They 
contacted a women organization and seek help in 
this matter. After normalizing the situation, 
some other families also came here to reside.
Monoharpura basti situated between the 
Gandhinagar railway station and Sanganer airport. 
It is surrounded by planned colonies.  Circular 
road alongside with this basti. In this basti, 
the residents are Balmiki, Bairwa, Raiger, 
Kalbelia, Banjara and Balai families. A few newly 
immigrant families from Bengal and Madras also 
reside here.
Govt. school located at some distance from basti, 
there are also two private schools, one Janshala 
and Anganwadi centre. In Bairwa community some 
people are Govt. servants, most of them fourth 
class and others are labourers. Raigers engaged 
in their traditional work of leather processing. 
But young generation of Raiger community engaged 
in different manual jobs. Young group of 
Kalbelias formed a band and playing it in 
marriage ceremonies for at learning. Muslim 
community engaged in iron works and kabada 
karobar. Some people from Balmikis are working in 
corporation as sweeper other engaged different 
occupation. Many persons of the basti are 
riksapullar. Most houses are actually 
thatch-roofed exclude some brick-houses.
2. Nagtalai
Nagtalai is the second site of this study. This 
is inhabited along the Jaipur-Delhi national 
highway and now is a part of metropolitan city. 
The Jhuggis are spread over in the U shaped 
valley and on the stairs of aravali hills beside 
the four lane road. People believe that  there 
was a talai (pond) in the valley and 
snake-charmers used it to set their snakes free 
on the auspicious day of the nagpanchmi. So basti 
called as Nagtalai. Earlier there had been more 
than 50 bhattas (lime kilns) and the labour 
engaged in this work settled down here. 
Simultaneously the mining work at nearby hills 
also began and the labour involved in the mining 
work also settled down here. At present 
Government banned the mining work. Bhattas also 
closed due to the lack of demand of Chuna (lime). 
Only two bhattas are in working order. The 
families working at bhattas emigrated from Bihar 
who now live here.
More than 300 families are residing here, in 
which number of muslims is larger than hindus. 
The mulsim population was not in majority before 
one decade. During these years, many muslim 
families shifted here from UP. They purchased 
jhuggis that belonged to hindus on high prices. 
Among hindus, mostly are kumhars (potters) and 
balais (SC), in other castes; meena, brahmin and 
bania families are living here together. Earlier 
kumhars worked transporting lime and stones using 
their donkeys. After the declining in the bhatta 
work, they began to send their younger generation 
to learn automobile work with mechanics. Now, 
most of the kumhar families have adopted this 
trade. Many muslim families are also engaged in 
this trade from long time. Some people from this 
basti are working in Government services. A large 
number of the people from Nagtalai work at 
transport nagar and anajmandi. Anajmandi located 
opposite side of the basti after crossing the 
highway. Some people are engaged in different 
types of works in the city.
3. Paldi meena
Paldi meena is an erstwhile state period village 
situated at Jaipur-Agra national highway no. 11 
at a distance of two km from the old rampart of 
Jaipur. The village has now become a part of 
Jaipur Municipal Corporation and the agricultural 
land lying behind the village has been converted 
into the residential scheme. The Jaipur 
Development Authority (JDA) has erected housing 
colonies for the families of low-income groups 
and families of below poverty line (BPL). 
Alongside these colonies, JDA resettled about 
half a dozen urban slums, which are shifted from 
the city under operation pink.
This is my third research site, where two slums - 
OTS and university slums - are relocated here 
under rehabilitation scheme of JDA. It is 
interesting to note that people still called here 
these habitations as OTS and university basti. 
Both are located beside a common road. One side 
of this new colony, low-income scheme stands and 
one the other side a big colony established for 
resettlement of some small-unplanned colonies, 
which were existed before around the airport and 
now shifted here due to the extension plan of 
airport premises. JDA allotted big size of plots 
for these families as the compensation. The plots 
have allotted to the slum dwellers are small in 
size i.e. 80 sqr yds, and as loan 50 thousand per 
family also provided in advance to construct 
house. Yet many families are living elsewhere and 
some of them intend to sell out there allotted 
plots. Scenario of old basti here lies in 
memories along while a difference between 
rehabilitated slums scheme and colony of shifted 
families from airport is obvious. Hence in the 
area various signboards of properties dealers 
appear for the purpose. There is a high spacious 
community hall for the slums rehabilitation 
colony but till now it is not open for public 
use. A board is also stands here of kachhi basit 
punarvas vikas samiti whereon the names of its 
office-bearers are mentioned.
70% families of OTS and university slums have 
resettled here but out of these families people 
who already were in confirmed services of doing 
any regular business, even now are continuing 
there as usual. The rest have become jobless. If 
these people go to city while living here, will 
have to bear three times fare in conveyance and 
time too. Construction work in this area is the 
only scope in which both man and women of basti 
try to seek work.
Families who shifted from OTS basti are mostly 
dalits (SC & STs) while in OTS basti included 
dhobis (washer man) also some savarn (general) 
castes are common in both bastis. Families coming 
from OTS were already familiar with each other. 
Now families of both bastis are intermingling.
Social structure
At present many slums situated within the city, 
which seem like dirty spots on the beautiful 
skirt of the Gulabi (pink) city according to 
citizen's perception. Many slums situated on the 
periphery of the city, which are concrete example 
of the marginalization of these people.
One upon a time, many families of these slums 
were the part of the mainstream population of the 
city, which came here due to some critical 
situations. Other type of people is migrated here 
from other cities/states to get job opportunities 
in this city. In both case people are derooted 
from their native place. Rajasthan faces famine 
frequently and this is fourth famine year. In 
this year problem is more acute. Naturally the 
number of immigrate people have increased. The 
footpaths and rain baseras (night-shelters) are 
overcrowded by the famine-ridden people, who used 
to gather early in the morning on the chokhaties 
(a type of labour-mandi) to get the job. The 
population of slums has increased due to the new 
comers and the problem of unemployment became 
more complex in these days for slum-dwellers.
I have mentioned earlier my general observation 
that the social structure of the slums is quite 
different from urban and rural societies. For 
example social hierchy and specific roles of the 
people are defined in rural social structure. The 
rural social structure has mechanism of social 
control and provides remedial measures to 
regulate deviations from social norms.
My observations of these slums confirmed above 
conception. The people who reside in these slums 
came from various areas and belong different 
casts, dialects and religions. They have not any 
common socio-cultural background. So they have 
their different customs, beliefs and values. The 
social interaction in these slums is motivated by 
certain factors. It is not governed by 
established social norms, which are accepted by 
the majority of the people. So there is not any 
social discrimination exists here on the basis of 
the role of power and individual.
But a particular type of relationship emerged 
here among the people because they are living at 
same place in common situations. When they face 
any unfavorable situation or risk position in 
which they can loose their occupied land, they 
fight collectively and in united manner.
Last year, after declaration of Jaipur as 
'heritage city', local administration started to 
remove some slums on the name of the 
beautification under operation pink. At that time 
effected slum-dweller raised their voice 
collectively. Then they resettled outside city by 
the administration under rehabilitation scheme. 
Some slums are relocated at Paldi meena, people 
who rehabilitated here, and are still struggling 
for civic amenities. Otherwise, after a time 
period, stability takes place in slums and any 
type of social system starts to emerging. My 
first research site Manoharpura is an example of 
this type.
Process of Inclusion: two episodes
q Khemraj used to live in a village of Bikaner 
(western Rajasthan). He was a worker in an NGO 
where from the honorarium he was getting, was not 
enough for support to his family including 5 
children. Frequently prevailing drought and 
famine conditions increased his troubles to face 
hardship. He came to Jaipur where he began to 
work in an NGO. Even after working round - the - 
clock what he got as salary was far less than the 
minimum wage of a labour. In spite of he had to 
send his wife to work in the house of Secretary 
almost free of any remuneration. At last he left 
the service of NGO and shifted himself to live in 
the slum-Manoharpura.
Khemraj belongs to Jat caste (savarn), now he is 
living here in a house of bairwa (SC) as his 
tenant. He has no discrimination with this bairwa 
family. Now he has engaged a thhela (trolley) of 
vegetables in subjimandi of this basti. His wife 
also sells vegetable at the same place in front 
of the thhela of her husband. Children also seem 
playing and supporting around their parents. The 
eldest daughter is attending a cheep private 
school. After school time, she give help her 
mother at the shop and in the kitchen. Khemraj 
was a member of the bhajan mandali in his 
village. Here he attends Jagrans celebrated 
usually is shiv mandir of the basti. Here bairwas 
used to sing nirgun while Khemraj recites sagun 
bhajans. Khemraj also hammered a nal (horse-shoe) 
in his thhela on the advice of a shanichar 
follower. Both husband and wife here stand in an 
queue and are living to win over the mountain of 
miseries and misfortunes.
q Kanchan valmiki (25) studies up to VII standard 
and belonged to a village in Dausa district. She 
came in old OTS basti at her sister, family 
(sasural) before her marriage took place. After 
shifting in Paldi Meena, Kanchan seems overjoyed 
while living and enjoying the facilities 
available here. She told us, things here are all 
right and good. Everything is pleasing, basic 
amenities like electricity and water are 
available, houses are open and spacious. 
Environment of the new colony is quite different 
from the slum. But only problem that every one 
facing is lack of work or job. Besides this 
medical facility and transportation also are big 
problems. To pick up a bus, one has to walk on 
foot far about more than one km. up to Paldi 
meena village. Here children attended a private 
school here. None of other any caste considers 
her as untouchable. She attends marriage and 
other ceremonies of other castes.
Social mobilization and citizen's perception
Several families of Nagtalai have shifted in the 
city after selling their houses. They felt 
well-being status economically. Some people 
rented their houses or shops to another residents 
at the basti and shifted himself in the planned 
colonies of the city. Economically improved 
condition supported their social mobalizaton. 
Citizen keeps distance with basti communities and 
consider then inferior. One Graduate girl of 
balai family was engaged with a teacher of 
Jodhpur city. But after some time boy's family 
have broken the engagement at the ground that it 
was not possible that bridegroom can reach at the 
door of the bride on horse-back. Actually the 
house of the girl is situated at the up hill and 
path is very narrow and zigzag.
But another side, people who came here after 
migration from village and other town/cities are 
replacing previous families. Radheshyam who came 
here from a village of chakshu block rented a 
jhuggi in the basti. His family is living in a 
part of jhuggi and in outer part he is running a 
shop. This shop is running continuously as before 
but now ownership has changed.
Poverty, liquor and anger
The children and adolescents of Manoharpura basit 
used to scrap-picking. The woman Maina told 
Jindgi bhar pinni bini, shadi ho gayi, bachehe ho 
gaye. A large number of basti women are working 
in nearby colonies as Kamwalis (house worker). 
The use of liquor is very common in this basti. 
One english and one deshi wine shop situated at 
the basti bus stand. Some groups of the people 
may be seen involved in gambling. The husband of 
Sharifan (48, muslim women) divorced her and did 
second marriage. Now Sharifan lived with her five 
children - three girls and two boys. Whole family 
is depend on scrap Pickering. On the schooling 
her children, Sharifan argues, paisa nahin hai, 
school jayenge to khayenge kya ?
The use of liquor is very common among the people 
of Nagtali. The liquor also did not lag behind 
and has made its appearance as before in Paldi 
meena.
Earlier when the bhattas (furnace of limestone) 
were running in Nagtalai, at that time on total 
family was engaged in a particular work place. 
After closing of these bhattas, people were 
pressurized to search the jobs from other place 
for their livelihood. In changed situation, it 
was not possible that whole family could found 
the work at the same place. Then wherever on 
found work, he/she joined it. This new condition 
weakened the family institution. This affected 
the intense family relationship and broken the 
joint family system. Now nuclear family trend 
hare increased.
In recent years, we find the crime rate have 
risen in the slums, simultaneously indulgence of 
police thana also increased. In crimes, the 
illegal distribution of liquor, gambling, theft 
and inter conflicts are included mostly.
The status of women is not better in the slums. 
The majority of women earn livelihood like their 
male partners. They have to work for earning as 
well as at the home. Due to the common use of 
liquor in the community; women are the sufferer 
of the consequences of liquor. Some women also 
victimized by domestic violence. In spite of it, 
women fully participated in the activities of the 
slums. They are also articulated. As the recent 
development, a feeling of independence is also 
growing the slum's women toward sexual 
relationships.
The people of the slums assumed that the moral 
values are decayed in these days. The collective 
spirit has reduced and individualism is 
increasing rapidly. The family and marriage 
institution have weakened. The feeling of respect 
for elders has also reduced in younger 
generation. People are not caring toward social 
accountability. The slum people, especially 
younger considered inferior their life conditions 
in the comparison with urban life style.
Unemployment is an acute problem for the people 
of Paldi meena sight. In old university slum, 
they are engaged in their particular occupations. 
Most of them were involved in handicraft, 
gardening and labour work. Women were engaged in 
agarbatti work, tailoring, weaving and working as 
housemaids. But now all routine have disturbed. 
One person have to spent 25 rupees daily for 
conveyance if he want to find a job in city and 
there is not certainty to get the job. Sitaram 
Sisodia (30) who was a screen painter, is now 
unemployed. The unemployed youth and group of 
women either play cards or pass their time in 
gossiping and watching TV at home. The use of 
liquor is also catching the younger generation 
because it is so cheap in this area that a bottle 
is available here in only 30 rupees. After 
drinking, people used to criticize the incidence 
of shifting the basti at this place.
Moolchand Bunkar was the leader of the slum. When 
the matter of shifting was raised in university 
slum, he leaded the people and fought a long 
struggle to rehabilitate properly. People won in 
the struggle but Moolchand lost his daily service 
in this fight. Now he also faced the bitter anger 
of unemployed youth everyday who charged him for 
shifting and present misfortune.

Communal situation
Babulal Sharma, who resided Nagtalai since 1969, 
told us that communal riots of 90s affected the 
basti but any incident of violence was not 
occurred at that time. Whenever nearby Rishigalab 
nagar affected seriously with the violence of the 
riots and several families suffered with the 
consequences of it. In Nagtalai, on the 
initiative of the both communities, they 
controlled the communal tension in the basti. 
Since than there has been no communal incident 
took place in the basti. If any conflict seemed 
to arise people of both communities came forward 
and solved the matter with common understanding.
Babulal quoted one case, which happened before 
some years, one cyclist came here to demonstrate 
his performance in the basti. He got police 
permission for it with the help of local people. 
A large number of audiences gathered at the place 
of the show. During the show, a muslim boy dared 
to tease a hindu girl. This action provoked the 
hindus and they began to beat the mulsim boy. 
Some person tried to stop this practice and 
suggested to hand over the case to thana police. 
Before the situation worsened, the family member 
of the mulsim boy came there. They understood the 
matter reasonably and not favorued the boy. 
Ultamately the matter resolved peacefully.
Most of muslim families of Nagatalai are engaged 
in the gem-polishing work at their own residence, 
Hindu people also share this work. Habitation of 
this basti is ideal one in which the jhuggis of 
hindus and muslims stand adjoining to each other. 
They exchange the things. There are two hindu 
temples in the basti. Muslims also contribute 
donation in jagaran and jammastami puja 
celebrations organised at mandirs. Likewise 
mulsims distributed purchased sweets from market 
on the auspicious day of Id, domestic sweets does 
not acceptable by hindus. Families of both 
communities, which have more intimate 
relationship, share food and participate specific 
occasions collectively.
On end of Nagtalai, an old temple of lord shiva 
is situated. Some hindu residents participated in 
this temple at the time of puja-archana. The 
hindu community of basti established one another 
temple of lord shiva and hanuman collectively. 
The preparation and distribution of posh bada (a 
type of prasad prepared in the holy month of 
posh-January) is an annual collective activity of 
local people. Every body participated in this 
procession without any discrimination of cast and 
religion. In the muslim community, wedding 
ceremony generally arranged outside of the slum. 
Women played major role in the rituals and 
cultural processions of marriage. In the Id 
(festival) of mulsim community, hindu families 
also shared their greetings. Recently muslim 
community of this slum prepared Tazia in a 
collective manner.
But it is ironical that intra discrimination 
exists in muslim community of Nagtalai. Local 
muslim community promulgated the aggressive image 
of immigrants up muslims. But their behavior not 
approved this conception. They are considered 
inferior by local Muslims and called as 
muchliwale (fishermen). But all muslim attend 
namaj together in the same masque situated in 
adjoin colony.
According to a recent survey, there are 2657 
families in Manoharpura slum in which 250 
families are muslim. But most of these are from 
backward mulsim communities i.e. Fakir, Darvesh 
and Shakkas etc. In this slum more than 20 such 
persons are living who use tantras to cure their 
patients. They claimed that they have some 
supernatural power that helps him in the 
treatment. In these persons there are three 
mulsim pirs. Every pir, Ojha and Tantrik used his 
particular way and style for treatment of their 
patient. One of such tantrik, tried to attempt 
rape a women patient during so-called treatment.
R. Rehman is a pir. His main occupation is make 
utensile of alloy in old city. Since the morning, 
lots of sufferers gathered in front of his door. 
Most of them are children and women. Every 
sufferer came there with a stem of neem tree in 
his hand and sit in the queue. Rehman sit on 
their knees and starts to attend them one by one, 
take the stem from the sufferer and whisper some 
mysterious word while during the Jhada with neem 
branch. One can see a pile of neem stems in front 
of Rehman's house.
Earlier Rehman was the resident of old city at 
Ajmeri Gate. He studied till secondary. In 1986 
his family shifted in this slum. Rehman's parents 
were died in his childhood. After leaving the 
school, Rehman started to sale the ice crème 
candy. Then he worked as driver. In job of 
driving he used to drink alcohol and gambling. In 
1997 he met an ustad who taught the Koran to him. 
In the influence of the ustad and teaching of the 
Koran he gave up alcohol. Subsequently he met a 
hajji and visited Muradabad. He did not found 
himself satisfied there and came back at Jaipur. 
Then he started to work at a shop of alloy 
utensils and still working the same job.
In 1976 Rehman got marred and in 1979 he opt the 
silsila community (a commune of sufi followers). 
With the effect of new following, he left the 
gambling practice. During this time, Bengali 
women told his wife about Manoharpura kachchi 
basti, where both husband and wife make their 
hut. After shifting here, his wife started the 
embroidery work. Now they have a pakka house.
In 1989 Rehman got knilaphat from his pir. Then 
he started to treat the sufferers. He is having 
fame in and outside of the slum. According to 
Rehman, two types of powers exist in the universe 
- one is physical and second spiritual. He helps 
to the people in spiritual matters. In patients, 
mostly ill children harassed and tensed person 
and the people having sexual problems, especially 
young girls came to consult with him. People pay 
him for his dua (treatment) willingly. He 
utilizes the money in the maintenance of pir 
baba's majar (tomb) and on organization the urse 
(a religious programme). Silsia organized three 
urses in a year in which kabbalis and mahfils are 
the major activities. What is the mystery behind 
his miracle? Rehman replies that he attended five 
times namaj regularly and used to jikra 
(discussion) of malik (Allah) and regards the 
raza and sufi-sijra as holy rituals.
Cast status
Bairwas, Raigars and Balais are equal (in assumed 
category) according to the cast-hierarchy, like 
this Banjaras and kalbelias are have same status 
whenever valmikis (sweeper, traditionally called 
'bhangis') are at the lowest level in the cast 
system. These all casts are avarn according to 
the hindu cast system. In contemporary discourse, 
we used the category 'dalits' for all these 
casts. Cast is still the primary social unit at 
some extend in these slums.
A valmiki women of Manoharpura basti dropped out 
their three children form Govt. school, bachon se 
chhuachut karte the, pani nahin peene dete the, 
bachche pyase rahte they, (the teacher and 
children of the Govt. school discriminated her 
children as untouchable, forbidden drinking 
water, children suffered thirst in the school so 
she dropped out their children from the school.)
In Nagtalai, though cast factor do not in 
dominating position but it effects the 
relationship. Untouchability is not visible or 
outwardly. Families of different castes assemble 
together at the various occasions i.e. marriage 
feasts etc. on the basis of close relationships. 
Nobody objects on this type of case. If any 
person from dalit community wants to organize a 
feast for higher caste people, there is a 
condition that any higher caste family should 
arrange preparation of food and then all savarn 
castes people may attend this feast.
In Paldi meena slums rehabilitation scheme 148 
families of university kachchi basti are shifted 
and settled in D-block of the scheme called Ashok 
vihar. These families belong to Koli, Dhobi, 
Rana, Kharawat, Thakur, Balai and Harizan castes. 
The most interesting case is that two harizen 
(sweepers) families told to the people, that they 
can allot him two houses at the corner of the 
colony but the people prefer him and allotted the 
houses of center place of the colony. The 
practice of untouchability of cast discrimination 
is not accepted by anybody in this habitation.
These families have passed two years after 
resettlement. In this period more than 10 
marriages have took place in this habitation. 
Every family participated in the rituals and bhoj 
etc. mean while at one marriage time, the father 
of groom have died, people manage the death 
ceremony as well as wedding process 
simultaneously in cooperative manner.
Three is a triangle sized park in the block in 
which a temple of lord shiva have constructed by 
a sikh factory owner. Actually factory owner 
contributed for his affection toward the 
residents in which some people are labour in his 
factory. Now people of all castes use to pray and 
pooja in this temple without any discrimation. 
Children used to park as ground for playing. One 
voluntary agency is operating a Janshala for 
children.
One NGO's intervention
Bodh Shikha Samiti (an NGO) has been running a 
Bodhshala for more than a decade in Nagtalai 
basti. Bodhshala (school) is providing 
alternative primary education for children. But 
admission for a certain number of children is a 
limitation of Bodhshala. So rest of the children 
use to go another school running on the opposite 
side of the road, for upper primary and higher 
education children attend other school outside 
from the basti.
Two girls have studied up to graduation, some 
bahus (housewives) are educated secondary and 
above level. New educated generation does not 
believes in discrimination on the basis of 
religion and caste.
Prahlad, a resident of Nagtalai is a clerk in 
Govt. school. Before this service he was a 
teacher in bodhshala of the basti. Bodhshala is 
an innovative school in which teachers used to 
provide lots of books other than prescribed 
textbooks to the children as reading material. In 
bodhshala, teachers motivated children for 
creative writing, painting, singing, dance and 
handicrafts. But after the schooling, children 
would not be able to continue these things. The 
factor behind this is lack of continuity in their 
further education after the completion of primary 
education given by bodhshala. Another factor is 
that, there are not any opportunity and space 
available to enhance their aptitudes and such 
type of creative interests. In this condition 
they also become a part of slum's ordinary youth 
or develop as a peculiar type of character who 
would not adjust themselves with others. If this 
young generation got the proper guidance and 
encouragement for creative direction, they could 
be change agents in the cultural scenario of the 
slum. Cultural support for children and youth 
should be a continuous process.
Here early marriages a prevailing practices in 
the slum, although in these days it is declining. 
Prahlad told about a case. One student of 
bodhshala has engaged for marriage. He opposed it 
in family and community with the support of his 
colleagues and teachers. Now the boy is a 
lecturer and got married after getting the job. 
In reduction of the cast discrimination, children 
taught from bodhshala have played a major role in 
the slum.
The cultural forms in practice
The cultural forms, patterns and processes are 
not visible on the surface of social life in the 
slums. Many of these manifests in some special 
occasions and in the particular situations. 
Manoharpura basti constituted a development 
committee in which local councilor is very 
interested as wall writings informed. It also 
informed that last days Chief Minister allocated 
land patta's to the basti residents. Two temples 
are shining in the basti between the dirty 
jhuggis. There are so many cassette shops in the 
basti, cassette recording facilities are also 
available at these shops. Everybody can hire a 
VCR from these shops. Film posters are displayed 
on a particular hording at bus stand.
As the same, there are many shops in the right 
side at the main road of Nagtalai. Among these 
shops women are also working in bakery works. A 
group of people can be seen playing with cards in 
the verandas of some shops, which remain closed. 
TV sets are common asset in the basti. According 
to one shopkeeper Agarwal the readership of 
newspaper is 30 percent in this basti. There is 
also a video parlor where a group of children may 
be seen involved in the video games.
Cultural forms and practices are not commonly 
visible in urban slums as we started earlier. We 
can see these processes on some special occasions 
only. Whereas the assumptions, beliefs and values 
of slums dwellers are manifest in their routine 
behavior. In Nagtalai basti wedding ceremony of 
kumhar and balai community still having a 
traditional pattern. Most of these families 
followed the traditional customs, women used to 
sing songs, make rituals and perform dance in 
groups. The residents of the slums belong to the 
various villages but common cast-based linked 
them primarily as community. Secondly, in which 
villages these people have came here, that area 
has same lingual and cultural background so it 
was quite natural to acquire as a cultural 
community in a place like slum. Kumhar, Balai and 
other hindu residents of the basti celebrate 
Holy, Deewali, Gangour and other festivals in a 
same manner and modes.
Balai and Kumhar community have some particular 
festivals. Balai celebrate navaratra as a special 
festival. In navaratra they pray the god 
bharoonji, they give bali of he-goat and 
distribute pieces of the meat as prasad bhog and 
eat it collectively. During the nine days of 
navratra, they did jagran. In jagran, they did 
whole night pray with a team with singing bhajans 
in the praise of bharoonji. They called it 
bhagtai. The bhagan madli (a particular group of 
singers) used different musical folk instruments 
such as duffs, chung, manjire, ghanti and thal 
etc. At the climax point of the jagaran some 
bhagats (preachers) feel bhar (incarnation) of 
bharoonji, then other people request him to solve 
their problems. Kumhar celebrate sheetalastami in 
a different way. Kumhars are worshiper of 
sheetlamata (a goddess). A fair is organized 
yearly in Chaksu on the occasion of sheetalastami 
in the temple of sheetlamata. Kumhar families of 
the slum attended this fair respectively.
There are not such cultural forms, which 
generally in practice in the slums in which there 
are any scope or space will be available for 
self-expression and collective interactions. 
Exclude the singing and dancing programme 
performed in marriage ceremonies and festivals. 
TV programmes and films are the only medium of 
entertainment. The visual media is not 
interactive in it's nature, so audience have only 
passive role as viewer. Last year a group of 
youth have played some street dramas in Nagtalai. 
The residents of the slum enjoyed the 
performance, but they were not able to understand 
the inherent message of the plays because they 
were not familiar with this cultural form.
Impact of media
When TV serial i.e. ramayan and mahabharat 
telecasted first time, number of TV sets in 
Nagtalai was very few at that time. People used 
to see these serial at some certain places 
collectively and during this period they 
discussed the episodes. At present 90 percent 
families have their own TV sets. Now the world of 
entertainment has personalized, but number of 
colored TV sets and VCRs is not more, so people 
almost see the new feature films on VCR 
collectively. In film viewers, youth have in a 
majority. From this slums 20 percent young people 
attended film shows at cinema halls in the city. 
More than 100 newspapers have circulated in the 
slum. It is obvious that the number of newspaper 
readers will be multiplied.
As media is a powerful medium to provide 
informations and depiction of popular (modern?) 
cultural forms in urban slums, therefore, it 
become imperative to explore how far media are 
affecting these sections. The exposure and impact 
of media was measured by modifying the schedule. 
The media included in this exercise were films, 
radio, television and print media (including 
newspapers and magazines). The numbers of 
respondent were 50, (23 females and 27 males). 
Selected three urban slums i.e. Manoharpura, 
Nagtalai and Paldimeena. The range of the age of 
respondents was between 18 to 35 years. The age 
group is quite curious to know the things and 
also in confronting position against prevalent 
value structure.
If we go through the educational levels of these 
respondents, we find that out of 50 respondents 
62% are literate, 14% just literate, simply able 
to read and write and use the arithmetic in their 
daily routine life and 24% are illiterate. 
Illiterate respondents felt hurdle in the 
interaction with media, they are on the 
wavelength with the communication on the basis of 
the language of sings and symbols. The larger 
group of respondents belongs with scheduled 
castes as lower strata of the society. Majority 
of the respondents come from nuclear family. This 
phenomenon is similar with the urban social 
structure.
Once upon a time radio was in fashion in these 
communities. Till first round of the TV 
extension, radio and tape recorder were the only 
entertainment channels in slums, but at this time 
radios are merely remnants of the old fashion, 
i.e. only 10 %. TV took a major place in the 
every house of the respondents. There are few 
persons (16%) who are interested in the 
newspapers/magazines. There are exceptional cases 
in these sites that does not watch small screen 
regularly. So the whole sensitive part of these 
slums is within the range of this visual 
equipment. Only 10% of our respondents are the 
listeners of radio. The readership of newspaper 
and magazines is growing slowly, although these 
magazines may be focused on films or popular kind 
of subject.
On TV screen, the majority of our respondents are 
almost regular audience of the social melodramas 
(56%) and comic episode (74%). Although 
entertainment is the prior concern of the viewers 
but they watch keenly the reflection and 
behaviors presented by these episode. Films and 
religions episodes have a tight grip on the 
mental world in these communities. In spite of, 
to use the modern manner in the life, religious 
faith and attitudes have not loosened its roots. 
Secondly, the religious stories and sagas are 
familiar and well known among the people. The 
picturization of the miracles and strange 
incidents are also factors behind the popularity 
of these episodes. Action and suspense in movies 
and serials are also popular form on the screen.
In reference of sources of information, it was 
found that nearly 62% of the respondents 
considered television as an important source of 
information which 12% consider that it occur 
through conversation with peer groups, 14% agreed 
that radio also provide information and only 12% 
favored newspapers and magazines. In these 
communities verbal interaction is predominate. So 
the impact of print media is not limited to 
particular reader, through verbal interaction it 
diffused. One person read newspaper loudly and 
other two or three person listen it carefully or 
person who read anything else, summarized this to 
other in oral form. Information from print media 
disseminated in a large rank. This practice of 
oral tradition is effective still in slums.
As the response shows media initiate its role of 
political consciousness in respective 
communities, but not so effectively. The 
illiteracy and social barriers may be the major 
hurdles in the direction. The impact of media 
regarding acceptability of the elementary 
education in respective communities is decisive. 
As well as, the pressure of urban life and living 
style are also major factors in this concern. In 
the context of girl's education, media is playing 
also an important role. In health issues, media 
played a quite significant role in respective 
slums. The numbers of respondents is less in 
favor of early marriage (only 18%) whereas; large 
number of the respondents (82%) is against the 
early marriage.
The majority of the respondents (78%) realize a 
tremendous change in their role within and beyond 
the family's sphere. The number of negative 
respondents is very less (12%). It may be 
possible that they could not conceive the 
question or they felt hesitation to answer on it. 
The realization of a positive difference in their 
role by respondents is an important factor. The 
virtual world of visual media is transferring the 
hard reality of viewer's life. Even in the slums, 
respondents sometime find her selves like the 
visual characters on screen or the paper.
The knowledge and information inputs reduce the 
power of the physical assets and money. Women 
(respondents) feel liberated from traditional 
limitations and find more meaningful role in the 
society. Like other positive attributes this 
changed role is a major indicator in the status 
of women especially in her self-image. At an 
extreme point, some respondents find their role 
models in media especially visual and follow 
their manners and style. Actually this is the 
matter of identification. Depending on their 
motives and values, viewers imagine as if they 
were on the screen. They develop empathy with 
some characters who happened to be somehow like 
them and identify themselves with the same or 
adopt them as models, sharing their feelings and 
values and copying them.
What is to be done?
It was a short-term study, so actually these are 
some impression, which indicates the scope of 
further explorations. To concretize the 
conceptual framework of empirical understand 
in-depth study is needed. It did not possible to 
analyze the process of deculturization and 
acculturization in slum communities with detail. 
The interface with their cultural memories of 
past life and the crisis of present identity as 
well as the struggle for recognition is not 
properly documented. Without enough interaction 
with the concerning communities we cannot explain 
the practice of social control and 
value-structure prevailing in slum life. So this 
question still unanswered that what sort of 
change takes place in the sexual behavior of 
women after the erosion of social control and 
traditional value structure? This and other such 
questions necessitate to be addressed.
The social composition of urban slums is complex 
and dynamic. The residing communities are 
multi-lingual, multi-religious and multi-casts 
based but it cannot be called as multi culturism 
in modern sense. Cultural pluralism is a 
conscious state of the society wherever 
co-existence among various groups in the slum is 
spontaneous and situational in nature. The 
immigrant communities have almost relapsed their 
cultural memories; there are only some remnants. 
The traditional and folk cultural practices are 
only ritually adopted without live enthusiasm. 
The basis of these cultural forms mostly religion 
though it is a type of premodern and still remain 
untouched with the waves of recent communalism. 
But it may provide a fertile ground for this 
trend. Other aspect of the cultural scenario is 
domination of popular cultural forms projected by 
media. Due to the impact of it, process of 
acculturization has increased. Actually it 
distorted the 'forms' itself and deculturized the 
traditional practices. After all, urban slum are 
still far from the modern culture.
No doubt, without socio-economic change, one 
cannot think about the progress of any segment of 
the society, but initiation in the universe of 
culture may be granted. Modern culture is 
value-added in its nature and content. These 
values are democratic and essential for an open 
society. Although it is quiet challenging to 
intervene in slums regarding such type culture, 
but there is also a wide scope because these 
communities are the most vital and dynamic 
component of the modern society. Cultural 
transition is the silent feature of this region, 
so active cultural intervention is most relevant 
here as well as also an urgent need.
Residents of slums are marginalized and poverty 
ridden sections of the society. So the rights 
based approach may be only strategy here to be 
adopted for action. An alternative will be needed 
here for dominating cultural forms. The modern 
creative cultural forms i.e. theatre, dance, 
painting, cinema (of course in different kind) 
and literature may be the appropriate alternative.
Cultural rights, i.e. acess to culture are the 
prime agenda of slum's context. The 
universalization of modern culture (like 
education) should be a project for urban slum and 
also remote rural areas. If this project will be 
delayed, the identity-based movement will emerge 
in its way. It may be so called cultural identity 
(based on religions fundamentalism), dalit 
identity (based on casts) or identities of 
language and regionalism. The vision of 
multi-culturism than will be reduced merely a 
dream. Since slums provides us a ground of its 
type of composite and mixed culture where various 
innovations can be used.
Certainly, the imposition of a particular type of 
culture on any community is a fascist practice. 
It is also true that nobody can create culture 
for others. It is an intrinsic practice. So 
intervention of cultural field demands a 
democratic point of view and radical activism. 
Interaction with slum dwellers should be in the 
direction of capturing memories and emotions as 
well as other intangible things. An insight 
toward existing cultural forms and alternative 
modes may visualize the further course. The 
biases and myths of citizens about slum dwellers 
should be deconstructed. Culture should be 
included in the actions of present institutions 
and organizations that are working in slums 
areas. The exposure of slums people is must, such 
efforts should be made that they will be part of 
the audience of theatre, musical and literary 
programmes of the city like cinema. The modern 
cultural groups should be performing their arts 
also in slum area. But some pedagogical tasks are 
needed in these communities before it to familiar 
people with other forms of arts. If we have 
believed that everybody have individual dignity 
than he/she will not be in isolation. It is our 
duty to realize his/her rights as human being and 
link with the mainstream. The horizon of civil 
society could be broadened, if we are inclusive 
towards marginalized and deprived section of the 
society. If world is global, everybody have 
his/her place inside the sphere of this cultural 
universe.
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